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HOME  UNIVERSITY  LIBRARY 
OF  MODERN  KNOWLEDGE 

No.  20 
i* 

Editort : 

HERBERT    FISHER,  M.A.,  F.B.A. 
PROF.  GILBERT  MURRAY,  LiTT.D., 

LL.D.,  F.B.A. 

PROF.  J.  ARTHUR   THOMSON,  M.A. 
PROF.  WILLIAM  T.  BREWSTER,  M.A. 


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THE  DAWN  OF  HISTORY  .   .   .  By  T.  L.  Mvwss 

ROME By  W.  WARDE  FOWLM 

THE    PAPACY    AND     MODERN 

TIMES By  WILLIAM  BARRY 

MEDIEVAL  EUROPE By  H.  W.  C.  DAVIS 

THE    FRENCH    REVOLUTION    .   By  HILAIRE  BEI.LOC 

NAPOLEON By  H.  A.  L.  FISHER 

CANADA By  A.  G.  BRADLEY 

THE   COLONIAL    PERIOD    .    .    .   By  CHARLES  M.  ANDREW* 
THE     WARS     BETWEEN     ENG- 
LAND  AND    AMERICA      ...    BY  THEODORE  C.  SMITH 
KROM  JEFFERSON  TO  LINCOLN  By  WILLIAM  MACDONALD 

THE    CIVIL    WAR By  FREDERIC  L.  PAXSOJC 

RECONSTRUCTION  AND  UNION 

(>86s-rot2) By  PAUL  L.  HA  WORTH 

THE   HISTORY   OF  ENGLAND   .  By  A.   F.   POLLARD 
HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME  (i885- 

rqiM    .  By  G.  P.  GOOCH 

POLAR  EXPLORATION  (withtnaM)By  W.  S.  BRUCE 
THE  OPENING  UP  OF  AFRICA  By  SIR  H.  H.  JOHNSTOW 
THE  CIVILIZATION  OF  CHINA  By  H.  A.  GILES 
PEOPLES   AND   PROBLEMS   OF 

INDIA By  SIR  T.  W.  HOLDERNES* 

A    SHORT    MSTORY    OF   WAR 

AND  PEACE ByG.  H.   PERRIS 

MODERN   GEOGRAPHY     ....   By  MARION  NEWBIGIW 

MASTFR  MARINERS Py  T.  R    SPF.APS 

THE  OCEAN By  Sim  JOHN  MURRAY 

LATIN     AMFRICA  .    . R»  W.  R.  SHFPHKRD 

GERMANY  OF  TO-DAY  ....  By  CHAS.  TOWER 
THE  GROWTH  OF  FUROPE  .  .  By  G.  A.  J.  COLI 
THE  EXPLORATION  OF  THE 

ALps By  ARNOLD  LUNN 

Future  Issues 

A  SHORT  HISTORY  OF  EUROPE  By  HERBERT  FISHEE 

ANCIENT  GREECE By  GILBERT  MURRAY 

A  SHORT  HISTORY  OF  RUSSIA  By    PAUL    MILYOUKOV 

pi?  AyCE  OP  TO-DAY By  M.  ALBERT  THOMAS 

THE  REFORMATION By  PRINCIPAL  LINDSAY 

ANCIENT    EGYPT By  F.  L.  GRIFFITH 

THF.    ANCIENT    EAST By  P.  G.  HOGARTH 

MODERN  TURKEY By  D.  G.  HOGARTH 

THE  BYZANTINE   EMPIRE     .   .  By  N.   H.   BAYNU 


HISTORY  OF   OUR 
TIME 

1885 — 1911 


BY 

G.  P.  GOOCH,  M.A. 

AUTHOR   OF    "  ENGLISH    DEMOCRATIC   IDEAS   IN   THE 

SEVENTEENTH    CENTURY,"     "  ANNALS    OF 

POLITICS   AND    CULTURE,"    ETC. 


NEW   YORK 
HENRY  HOLT  AND   COMPANY 

LONDON 
WILLIAMS   AND    NORGATE 


COPYRIGHT,  1911, 

BY 
HENRY    HOLT   AND    COMPANT 


THE   UNIVERSITY    PRESS,   CAMBRIDGE.    U.S.A. 


PREFACE 

WITHIN  the  narrow  limits  of  this  little  volume 
it  is  obviously  impossible  to  describe  every  event 
and  to  trace  every  tendency  of  the  last  twenty- 
five  years.  Much  that  is  of  interest,  and  not  a 
little  of  importance,  must  be  sacrificed  to  the  ne- 
cessity of  exhibiting  major  occurrences  in  bold  re- 
lief. Thus  the  reader  will  search  these  pages  in 
vain  for  the  history  of  Belgium  and  Holland,  of 
Switzerland  and  Scandinavia,  of  Australia  and 
New  Zealand. 

The  first  six  chapters,  which  record  the  develop- 
ment of  the  European  Powers  and  explain  their 
relations  to  one  another,  form  the  core  of  the  book. 
In  the  case  of  each  country  we  find  some  dominant 
characteristic  which  gives  a  certain  unity  to  the 
story.  In  Great  Britain  it  is  the  rise  and  decline 
of  Imperialism.  In  France  it  is  the  defense  of  the 
Republic  against  its  foes,  within  and  without.  In 
the  Latin  South  it  is  the  wrestle  with  the  evil 
legacy  of  the  past.  In  Germany  it  is  the  emergence 
of  world  ambitions.  In  Austria-Hungary  it  is  the 


vl  PREFACE 

racial  conflict.  In  Russia  it  is  the  struggle  for  a 
constitution.  In  the  Near  East  it  is  the  eternal 
strife  of  the  crescent  and  the  cross. 

The  latter  part  of  the  book  is  mainly  devoted 
to  a  bird's-eye  survey  of  Asia,  Africa,  and  America. 
The  closing  chapter  briefly  sketches  a  few  of  the 
movements — political,  social  and  religious — which 
know  nothing  of  geographical  or  racial  bound- 
aries. 

The  infinitely  complex  and  variegated  life  of 
the  last  generation  tempts  the  historian  to  crowd 
his  canvas  with  more  colour  than  it  will  carry. 
The  modifications  of  economic  structure,  the  fer- 
ment of  thought,  the  sensational  triumphs  of 
physical  science,  the  experiments  in  literature  and 
art, —  these  and  many  other  phenomena  clamour 
for  notice.  But  a  small  book  is  never  improved 
by  cultivating  the  ambitions  of  a  large  one.  If 
it  is  to  have  a  character  and  a  unity  of  its  own,  its 
author  must  frankly  recognize  the  limits  within 
which  he  has  to  work.  For  this  reason  I  have 
made  this  little  volume  in  the  main  a  record  of 
political  action,  though  fully  conscious  that  politics 
are  but  one  aspect  of  the  many-coloured  tissue  of 
civilisation. 


CONTENTS 


CHAP.  PAGE 

I  'THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE 9 

II    THE  FRENCH  REPUBLIC 34 

III  THE  LATIN  SOUTH 57 

IV  GERMANY  AND  AUSTRIA-HUNGARY 82 

V    EASTERN  EUROPE 108 

VI    THE  BALANCE  OF  POWER 131 

VII    THE  AWAKENING  or  ASIA 154 

VIII    THE  PARTITION  OF  AFRICA 179 

IX    THE  NEW  WORLD 205 

X    WORLD  PROBLEMS 231 

BIBLIOGRAPHY 251 

INDEX  255 


HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

CHAPTER  I 

r" 

THE  BRITISH   EMPIRE 

IF  the  history  of  modern  England  begins 
in  1832  with  the  first  Reform  Bill,  which  sub- 
stituted the  rule  of  the  middle  classes  for 
that  of  the  landed  aristocracy,  the  England 
of  to-day  may  be  roughly  said  to  date  from 
1867,  when  the  franchise  was  extended  to 
the  working-classes  in  the  towns.  The  shift- 
ing in  the  basis  of  power  was  clearly  reflected 
in  the  legislation  of  the  Gladstone  Ministry 
which  took  office  in  the  following  year.  A 
national  system  of  elementary  education  was 
inaugurated,  the  newly  granted  vote  of  the 
working  man  was  protected  by  the  Ballot 
Act,  and  Trade  Unions  were  legalised. 
When  Disraeli  was  called  to  the  helm  in 
1874  political  interest  was  diverted  to  foreign 
affairs;  but  though  his  adventurous  policy 
in  the  Near  East,  Afghanistan  and  South 
Africa  won  him  momentary  popularity,  the 
entanglements  in  which  it  involved  the 
o 


10  HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

country  and  the  eloquent  denunciations  of 
Gladstone  produced  a  reaction  to  which  he 
succumbed  in  1880.  The  death  of  the  great 
Tory  leader  in  the  following  year  left  his 
life-long  rival  the  dominating  figure  on  the 
political  stage. 

The  outstanding  achievement  of  Glad- 
stone's second  Ministry,  which  lasted  from 
1880  to  1885,  was  the  concession  of  the  fran- 
chise to  the  agricultural  labourer;  but  it 
inherited  difficulties  at  home  and  abroad, 
and  its  career  was  stormy  and  disappoint- 
ing. There  was  an  inglorious  war  in  South 
Africa,  incessant  conflict  in  Ireland,  and 
dynamite  outrages  in  London.  The  revolt 
of  Arabi  was  suppressed,  but  Khartoum  was 
captured  and  Gordon  perished.  Moreover 
the  Ministry  was  weakened  by  resignations 
and  torn  by  internal  dissension.  An  un- 
ceasing struggle  was  carried  on  in  the  Cabinet 
between  the  Whigs  and  the  Radicals,  culmi- 
nating in  the  "Unauthorised  Programme" 
of  Mr.  Chamberlain. 

On  Gladstone's  defeat  in  1885  Salisbury 
formed  his  first  Ministry;  but  before  the 
dissolution  took  place  in  November,  an  im- 
portant change  in  the  political  situation  had 
occurred.  The  Crimes  Act  was  dropped, 
and  Carnarvon,  the  new  Lord-Lieutenant  of 
Ireland,  informed  Parnell  at  a  secret  inter- 
view of  his  inclination  towards  Home  Rule. 


THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE  11 

For  these  reasons  the  Irish  vote  was  cast 
for  Conservative  candidates  throughout 
Great  Britain.  The  result  of  the  election 
was  that  the  Conservatives  and  Nationalists 
combined  exactly  equalled  the  Liberals. 
Gladstone's  election  address  had  demanded 
an  equitable  settlement  with  Ireland,  and 
had  asked  for  a  majority  independent  of 
Irish  votes.  On  failing  to  obtain  it  he 
offered  to  co-operate  with  Salisbury  in  an 
attempt  to  solve  the  problem  on  the  lines  of 
autonomy.  The  Conservative  leader  re- 
fused; but  Herbert  Gladstone  had  already 
confided  to  a  newspaper  that  his  father  was 
prepared  to  grant  some  form  of  Home  Rule. 
The  Liberals  and  Nationalists  combined  to 
overthrow  the  Government,  and  Gladstone 
became  Prime  Minister  for  the  third  time. 

The  adoption  of  Home  Rule  by  the  Liberal 
leader  opened  a  new  chapter  in  the  history 
of  the  British  Empire.  Influential  Liberals 
like  Mr.  Morley,  Mr.  JBryce,  and  Sir  Charles 
Dilke  had  already  avowed  themselves  Home 
Rulers;  and  Gladstone's  conversion  caused 
no  surprise  to  his  intimate  friends  and 
colleagues.  He  had  lost  what  little  faith  in 
coercion  he  had  ever  possessed.  Before  his 
resignation  he  had  contemplated  an  elective 
Central  Council  for  Ireland  on  lines  sug- 
gested by  Mr.  Chamberlain.  In  this  state 
of  mind  he  was  profoundly  impressed  by 


12  HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

the  return  of  86  Irish  Home  Rulers  at  the 
first  election  held  on  a  democratic  franchise. 
The  vision  of  a  reconciled  Ireland  gradually 
took  possession  of  him,  and  to  its  realisation 
he  devoted  the  evening  of  his  life. 

The  approaching  split  in  the  Liberal 
party  was  foreshadowed  when  the  com- 
position of  the  Ministry  was  announced. 
The  names  of  several  old  colleagues  were 
missing,  while  Mr.  Chamberlain,  in  accept- 
ing office,  only  pledged  himself  to  inquiry. 
The  Bill  was  framed  by  the  Prime  Minister 
with  the  assistance  of  Mr.  Morley,  the  new 
Chief  Secretary  for  Ireland,  and  Lord  Spencer, 
whose  long  experience  as  Lord-Lieutenant 
was  of  the  greatest  service.  It  proposed  the 
creation  of  two  Houses  or  Orders,  with 
power  over  all  purely  Irish  questions.  The 
Prime  Minister  added  that  a  great  measure 
of  land  purchase  would  accompany  the 
scheme.  The  Bill  was  received  with  a  storm 
of  criticism,  the  hottest  fire  being  concen- 
trated on  the  exclusion  of  the  Irish  members 
from  Westminster.  Mr.  Chamberlain  had 
already  resigned  when  the  Bill  was  defeated 
on  second  reading  with  the  aid  of  the  dis- 
sentient Liberals.  Parliament  was  dissolved, 
the  Gladstonian  Liberals  were  defeated,  and 
the  Coalition  returned  with  a  majority  of 
118. 

The  adoption  of  Home  Rule  reduced  the 


THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE  13 

Liberal  party  to  something  like  political  im- 
potence for  twenty  years.  The  change  was 
too  great  to  be  accepted  offhand  even  at 
the  bidding  of  Gladstone.  But  the  loss  of 
one  party  was  the  gain  of  the  other.  After 
a  short  interval  of  uncertainty  the  dissentient 
Liberals  threw  in  their  lot  with  the  Con- 
servatives, and  built  up  a  strong  Unionist 
Coalition.  The  Whigs  had  been  drifting 
away  from  their  chief  for  some  years,  and 
the  adoption  of  Home  Rule  merely  com- 
pleted their  conversion.  The  creation  of  the 
Unionist  party  may  be  said  to  mark  the 
birth  of  the  Imperialism  which  dominated 
British  politics  for  twenty  years.  The 
Unionists  now  came  forward  not  only  as 
the  guardians  of  the  Union  but  as  the  special 
champions  of  Imperial  expansion  and  de- 
fence. The  gulf  between  the  two  historic 
parties  deepened,  and  the  Liberal  party,  re- 
lieved of  the  incubus  of  its  Whig  supporters, 
became  more  frankly  democratic. 

On  the  fall  of  the  short-lived  Gladstone 
Ministry,  Salisbury  formed  a  Conservative 
Government  with  Lord  Randolph  Church- 
ill, the  champion  of  Tory  democracy  and 
sometime  leader  of  the  Fourth  Party,  as 
Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer  and  leader  of 
the  House.  But  at  the  end  of  the  year  Lord 
Randolph  refused  to  accept  the  large  esti- 
mates for  the  army  and  navy  on  which  the 


14  HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

Cabinet  was  bent.  To  his  surprise  his 
resignation  was  accepted,  and  Goschen  be- 
came Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer.  The 
new  minister  had  refused  to  join  the  Glad- 
stone Government  in  1880  owing  to  his 
opposition  to  the  extension  of  the  franchise, 
and  Bright  had  predicted  that  he  would  one 
day  enter  a  Tory  administration. 

The  most  difficult,  as  well  as  the  most 
urgent,  problem  confronting  the  Ministry 
was  that  of  Ireland.  Salisbury  had  declared 
that  the  sister  isle  needed  twenty  years 
of  resolute  government.  The  medicine  was 
unflinchingly  administered  by  the  Chief 
Secretary,  Mr.  Balfour,  who,  in  reply  to  the 
"Plan  of  Campaign,"  carried  a  drastic  and 
permanent  Crimes  Bill  in  1887  by  the  aid  of 
the  "guillotine,"  now  used  for  the  first  time 
in  limiting  debate.  William  O'Brien  and 
other  political  offenders  were  treated  like 
common  criminals,  and  the  bloodshed  at 
Michelstown  excited  passionate  controversy 
throughout  Great  Britain.  But  the  situa- 
tion, measured  by  police  statistics,  slowly 
improved,  land  purchase  was  hurried  on, 
and  in  1891  the  Congested  Districts  Board 
was  created  to  assist  the  poverty-stricken 
counties  of  the  West. 

The  main  legislative  achievements  of  the 
Salisbury  Government  were  the  creation 
of  elective  County  and  District  Councils, 


THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE  15 

and  the  grant  of  Free  Education.  Both  re- 
forms had  been  advocated  by  Mr.  Cham- 
berlain, and  their  passage  was  regarded  as 
consideration  for  Liberal  Unionist  support. 
Finance  was  skilfully  handled  by  Goschen, 
and  in  1888  the  interest  on  the  greater  por- 
tion of  the  National  Debt  was  reduced  from 
3  to  2 1  per  cent.,  a  further  reduction  to  2| 
per  cent,  to  take  place  in  1903.  The  conver- 
sion effected  an  immediate  saving  of  1^  mil- 
lions a  year  in  interest.  Abroad  the  sky 
was  comparatively  unclouded,  and  Salis- 
bury confirmed  his  reputation  as  a  skilful 
and  peace-loving  diplomatist.  The  celebra- 
tion of  the  Jubilee  in  1887  not  only  revealed 
to  the  world  the  affectionate  reverence  in 
which  Queen  Victoria  was  held,  but  also 
emphasised  the  moral  unity  of  the  Empire. 
None  the  less  the  Government  deemed  it 
necessary  to  strengthen  the  national  de- 
fences. The  Two  Power  standard  was  form- 
ulated, and  in*  1889  a  large  increase  in  the 
navy  was  begun. 

During  the  Parliament  of  1886  strokes 
both  of  good  and  evil  fortune  befel  the 
Unionist  party.  In  April  1887  the  Times 
published  a  facsimile  letter  of  Parnell,  ex- 
pressing a  partial  approval  of  the  Phoenix 
Park  murders.  The  Irish  leader  instantly 
denied  its  authenticity.  After  a  year's 
delay,  the  Government  appointed  a  Commis- 


16  HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

sion  of  three  Judges  to  investigate  the  his- 
tory of  the  Nationalist  movement,  both  in 
its  political  and  its  agrarian  aspects.  The 
letter  was  proved  to  have  been  forged  by  a 
needy  adventurer  named  Pigott,  who  shot 
himself  on  exposure.  The  Judges,  whose 
Report  was  not  ready  till  February  1890, 
found  that  the  leaders  of  the  Irish  party 
were  not  collectively  engaged  in  a  conspiracy 
to  secure  the  independence  of  Ireland,  but 
that  some  of  them  supported  separation  and 
incited  to  intimidation  though  not  to  serious 
crime.  Parnell  had  no  sooner  vindicated  his 
character  than  the  political  world  was  con- 
vulsed by  the  news  that  he  had  for  years 
been  living  with  Mrs.  O'Shea.  The  majority 
of  the  Irish  members  at  once  declared  that 
he  must  for  a  time  withdraw  from  the  leader- 
ship of  the  party,  and  Gladstone  publicly 
advised  in  the  same  sense.  Parnell  refused 
to  resign  and  fought  for  his  place,  turning 
savagely  on  his  old  friends  .and  allies,  and 
killing  himself  by  overwork  in  1891  at  the 
age  of  forty-five.  The  exposure  of  Parnell 
and  the  internecine  conflict  within  the 
Nationalist  party  destroyed  the  chances  of 
a  Liberal  triumph  at  the  polls. 

The  election  of  1892  was  a  bitter  disap- 
pointment to  Gladstone,  who  only  secured 
a  majority  of  40.  The  second  Home  Rule 
Bill  oUffered  from  the  first  in  proposing  the 


THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE  17 

retention  of  80  members  from  Ireland,  with 
power  to  vote  only  on  matters  in  which  their 
country  was  concerned.  But  the  "in  and 
out"  proposal,  borrowed  from  Croatia,  broke 
down  in  debate,  and  it  was  determined  to 
retain  the  members  for  all  purposes.  The 
Bill  was  rejected  by  the  House  of  Lords  by 
419  to  41.  The  Government  then  proceeded 
to  pass  a  Parish  Councils  Bill,  which  com- 
pleted the  reform  of  local  government  begun 
in  1888.  The  session  of  1893  lasted  through 
the  winter,  and  early  in  1894  Gladstone  re- 
signed the  Premiership.  His  last  speech  in 
the  House  of  Commons,  where  he  had  sat 
for  sixty  years,  pointed  the  moral  of  the 
situation  by  declaring  that  the  issue  of 
Lords  and  Commons  had  been  raised,  and 
must  be  settled  in  favour  of  the  elected 
Chamber.  The  duties  of  a  Prime  Minister 
weighed  heavily  on  a  man  of  eighty-five, 
sight  and  hearing  were  affected,  and  Home 
Rule  was  blocked;  but  the  proximate  cause 
of  his  resignation  was  his  dislike  of  the  large 
shipbuilding  programme  on  which  a  majority 
of  his  colleagues  insisted. 

Lord  Rosebery,  who  had  been  Foreign 
Secretary  in  the  third  and  fourth  Gladstone 
Ministries,  succeeded  to  the  position  to  which 
Harcourt  was  widely  considered  to  have  a 
prior  claim.  Harcourt  had  to  content  him- 
self with  the  leadership  of  the  House;  but 


18  HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

his  disappointment  was  followed  by  the 
greatest  triumph  of  his  career.  The  Budget 
of  1894  instituted  graduated  duties  on  real 
and  personal  property  passing  at  death. 
The  majority  was  small  and  the  problem 
extraordinarily  complicated;  but  the  Chan- 
cellor piloted  his  measure  through  the  House 
without  the  closure.  Though  attacked  by 
the  Opposition  with  extreme  bitterness,  the 
Death  Duties  were  retained  when  the  Union- 
ists took  office  in  the  following  year.  The 
Budget  of  1894  was  the  last  as  well  as  the 
greatest  success  of  a  divided  and  dispirited 
Government.  The  Prime  Minister  com- 
plained bitterly  of  responsibility  without 
power,  and  in  June  1895  the  Ministry  re- 
signed on  a  defeat  in  a  thin  House. 

At  the  ensuing  election  the  Unionists  se- 
cured a  majority  of  152,  and  Salisbury 
formed  his  third  Administration,  in  which 
the  Duke  of  Devonshire,  Mr.  Chamberlain, 
Lord  Lansdowne,  and  other  Liberal  Unionists 
held  important  posts.  During  the  campaign 
Mr.  Chamberlain  had  expounded  a  policy 
of  social  reform,  of  which  Old  Age  Pensions 
were  the  most  popular  item;  but  though 
one  surplus  followed  another  no  attempt 
was  made  to  redeem  the  promise.  On  the 
other  hand,  it  was  mainly  owing  to  his 
efforts  that  an  Employers'  Liability  Bill, 
embodying  the  principle  of  contracting  out, 


THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE  19 

became  law  in  1897,  and  was  extended  to 
include  agricultural  labourers  in  1900.  In 
Ireland  popularly  elected  County  Councils 
took  the  place  of  the  Grand  Juries  in  1898, 
and  in  1899  a  Department  of  Agriculture 
and  Technical  Instruction  was  established 
on  lines  suggested  by  Sir  Horace  Plunkett, 
who  .became  its  first  head.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  Government  paid  no  attention  to 
the  finding  of  a  strong  Royal  Commission 
that  Ireland  was  paying  one-twelfth  of  the 
joint  expenditure,  whereas  her  proper  con- 
tribution would  be  one-twentieth. 

The  main  attention  of  the  Government 
and  the  country  was  devoted  rather  to  ex- 
ternal than  to  domestic  affairs.  The  arrest- 
ing personality  of  Mr.  Chamberlain  attracted 
attention  to  the  work  of  the  Colonial  Office, 
and  advantage  was  taken  of  the  presence 
of  the  Colonial  Premiers  at  the  Diamond 
Jubilee  in  1897  to  hold  an  informal  Con- 
ference to  discuss  methods  of  drawing  the 
component  parts  of  the  Empire  together. 
In  1900  the  federal  constitution  drawn  up 
by  the  Australian  Colonies  was  accepted  by 
the  Home  Government,  which,  however,  in- 
sisted on  the  retention  of  the  Privy  Council 
as  a  Court  of  Appeal.  Friendly  relations 
with  the  United  States  were  temporarily 
interrupted  by  a  dispute  in  reference  to  the 
boundary  of  Venezuela.  Great  Britain  was 


20  HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

condemned  to  look  on  while  the  Sultan 
massacred  his  Armenian  subjects  by  thou- 
sands, but  assisted  in  the  expulsion  of 
Turkish  troops  from  Crete.  A  formidable 
insurrection  among  the  tribes  on  the  North- 
West  frontier  of  India  led  to  a  costly  cam- 
paign in  1897.  In  the  scramble  for  conces- 
sions in  China  Salisbury  proved  no  match 
for  the  rough-handed  diplomatists  of  Ger- 
many and  Russia,  and  the  lease  of  Wei-hai- 
\Vei  in  1898  failed  to  avert  an  abiding 
diminution  of  British  prestige  hi  the  Far 
East.  In  another  continent  the  Govern- 
ment showed  greater  decision.  In  1896  the 
Anglo-Egyptian  army  advanced  to  Don- 
gola,  and  in  1898  the  forces  of  the  Khalifa 
were  annihilated  outside  Omdurman. 

While  the  Empire  was  occupied  with  war 
and  the  rumours  of  war  in  every  quarter  of 
the  world,  dark  clouds  were  gathering  in 
South  Africa.  On  the  first  day  of  January 

1896  Dr.    Jameson,    the   Administrator   of 
Rhodesia,  entered  the  Transvaal  with  600 
men,  but  was  quickly  captured  by  a  superior 
force  of  Boers.     The  plan,  though  not  the 
exact  day  of  the  Raid,  was  known  to  Rhodes, 
and  it  was  widely  believed  that  it  was  also 
known  to  Mr.  Chamberlain.    A  Committee 
of  the  House  of  Commons  was  appointed  in 

1897  to  probe  the  conspiracy;  but  as  Rhodes' 
solicitor,  Mr.  Hawksley,  refused  to  produce 


THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE  21 

the  telegrams  in  his  possession  and  the 
Committee  neglected  to  insist  on  their  pro- 
duction, as  Rutherfoord  Harris,  the  Secre- 
tary of  the  South  Africa  Company,  was  no- 
where to  be  found,  and  as  no  punishment 
was  inflicted  on  Rhodes,  the  report  merely 
increased  the  suspicion  of  the  Transvaal 
Boers  that  their  independence  was  in  danger. 
In  the  same  year  Sir  Alfred  Milner  was 
appointed  High  Commissioner,  and  imme- 
diately began  to  champion  the  claims  of  the 
Uitlanders  with  more  zeal  than  discretion. 
On  October  9,  1899,  after  protracted  nego- 
tiations, and  when  a  large  force  was  on  the 
way  to  the  Cape,  the  Transvaal  issued  an 
ultimatum. 

The  South  African  War  was  the  first  con- 
test with  white  men  in  which  Great  Britain 
had  engaged  since  the  Crimean  conflict.  It 
was  quickly  apparent  that  both  the  Intelli- 
gence Department  and  the  equipment  of 
the  army  were  gravely  at  fault.  Moreover, 
Sir  Redvers  Buller,  the  Commander-in-Chief , 
failed  to  justify  his  appointment.  But 
when  in  the  closing  days  of  the  year 
the  British  forces  were  defeated  thrice 
in  a  single  week,  Lord  Roberts  was  sent 
to  take  command,  with  Lord  Kitchener  as 
his  chief  colleague.  The  opening  months 
of  1900  completely  changed  the  situation. 
The  Boer  commandos  fell  back,  Bloem- 


22  HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

fontein  and  Pretoria  were  occupied  and  the 
Republics  annexed. 

The  outbreak  of  hostilities  banished  every 
other  subject  of  political  discussion.  The 
masses  once  again  surrendered  themselves 
without  reserve  to  the  intoxicating  emotions 
of  a  great  and  victorious  conflict.  Owing  to 
mob  violence  public  discussion  of  the  policy 
of  the  Government  was  almost  confined  to 
the  walls  of  Parliament.  While,  with  one 
or  two  notable  exceptions,  Unionists  be- 
lieved it  to  be  a  just  and  necessary  war, 
Liberal  opinion  was  sharply  divided.  Camp- 
bell-Bannerman,  who  had  succeeded  Har- 
court  as  the  leader  of  the  party  early  in 
1899,  spoke  for  the  great  majority  of  his 
followers  when  he  declared  that  it  might 
have  been  avoided  by  a  more  tactful  states- 
manship; but  he  shared  the  almost  uni- 
versal opinion  that  the  conflict  once  begun 
must  be  carried  to  a  successful  issue.  A 
smaller  section,  calling  themselves  Liberal 
Imperialists,  pronounced  the  war  to  be  in- 
evitable. While  the  party  was  thus  paralysed 
by  acute  dissensions,  Salisbury  suddenly 
dissolved  Parliament  in  September  1900. 
The  result  of  a  Khaki  election  is  never  in 
doubt,  and  the  Unionists  were  returned  by 
an  undiminished  majority.  But  the  Boers 
developed  an  unsuspected  power  of  re- 
sistance, and  it  was  not  till  April  1902  that 


THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE  23 

peace  was  concluded  by  the  Treaty  of 
Vereeniging.  In  addition  to  an  immense 
increase  of  taxation,  the  war  had  added  160 
millions  to  the  National  Debt. 

When  the  conflict  was  over  public  atten- 
tion again  began  to  turn  to  domestic  affairs. 
Queen  Victoria  had  died  early  in  1901,  and 
Salisbury  resigned  on  the  ground  of  failing 
health  at  the  conclusion  of  the  war,  the 
reversion  falling  to  his  nephew,  Mr.  Balfour. 
In  the  election  of  1900  Mr.  Chamberlain  and 
other  Unionist  leaders  had  invited  Liberal 
support  on  the  understanding  that  domestic 
controversies  would  not  be  dealt  with  in  the 
coming  Parliament.  Despite  these  promises 
a  Bill  was  passed  in  1902  which  abolished 
School  Boards  and  transferred  the  control 
of  elementary  education  to  County  and 
Town  Councils.  Denominational  schools 
were  allowed  support  from  the  rates;  and 
though  the  public  authority  controlled  the 
secular  education  given  in  them,  the  head 
teacher  was  compelled  to  belong  to  the  de- 
nomination, and  a  permanent  majority  of 
denominational  managers  was  guaranteed. 
In  1904  a  scarcely  less  controversial  measure 
gave  licence  holders  a  statutory  right  to 
compensation  from  a  fund  levied  on  the  trade 
if  the  licence  was  not  renewed. 

The  most  important  legislative  achieve- 
ment of  the  Parliament  was  the  Irish  Land 


24  HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

Act  of  1903.  Dual  ownership  had  broken 
down  despite  the  reduction  of  rents  decreed 
by  the  Land  Court  set  up  by  Gladstone  in 
1881,  and  far-seeing  landlords  and  tenants 
were  coming  to  regard  purchase  as  the  only 
solution  of  their  troubles.  To  bridge  the 
gulf  between  the  price  the  tenant  could  pay 
and  the  price  the  landlord  could  accept,  a 
bonus  of  12  per  cent,  was  promised  by  the 
Treasury.  The  landlord  received  cash,  while 
the  tenant  was  to  pay  off  the  purchase 
money  in  68$  years  by  annual  instalments 
which  represented  less  than  his  old  rent. 
Under  this  Act  Ireland  is  rapidly  becoming 
a  country  of  small  free-holders.  Economic 
prosperity  has  steadily  increased,  and  a  re- 
markable intellectual  revival,  powerfully  fos- 
tered by  the  Gaelic  League,  is  in  progress. 
The  demand  of  Catholic  Ireland  for  au- 
tonomy remains  unaffected  by  good  no  less 
than  by  evil  fortune. 

Among  other  activities  of  the  Balfour 
Ministry  was  the  reorganisation  of  the  army. 
The  office  of  Commander-in-Chief  was  abol- 
ished, and  control  was  transferred  to  an 
Army  Council  presided  over  by  the  Secre- 
tary for  War.  Still  more  important  was  the 
creation  of  a  Committee  of  Imperial  De- 
fence under  the  presidency  of  the  Prime 
Minister.  Higher  pay  and  greater  comfort 
for  the  private  soldier  augmented  the  cost 


THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE  25 

of  the  Army;  but  a  still  larger  increase  took 
place  in  the  Navy  estimates.  The  appoint- 
ment of  Sir  John  Fisher  to  the  post  of  First 
Sea  Lord  in  1904  was  followed  by  the  scrap- 
ping of  obsolete  ships,  the  concentration  of 
the  fleet,  and  a  revision  of  the  methods  of 
selecting  cadets.  The  policy  of  the  Govern- 
ment was  laid  down  in  the  Cawdor  Memo- 
randum of  1905,  which  advised  the  annual 
construction  of  four  battleships  of  the  newly 
invented  Dreadnought  type. 

The  Ministry  began  to  lose  its  popularity 
soon  after  the  close  of  the  war,  and  the  by- 
elections  went  steadily  against  it.  In  1903 
the  Government  was  shaken  by  an  internal 
convulsion.  On  his  return  from  a  visit  to 
South  Africa  Mr.  Chamberlain  startled  the 
world  by  a  speech  demanding  Colonial 
Preference  as  a  means  of  binding  the  Em- 
pire together.  He  had  invited  the  Colonies 
at  the  Jubilee  of  1897  to  form  a  Zollverein; 
but  though  Canada  granted  a  preference  to 
British  goods,  and  her  example  was  subse- 
quently followed  by  other  Colonies,  none  of 
them  allowed  free  entry.  He  had  next  at- 
tempted to  introduce  Preference  by  a  back 
door  when  the  Cabinet  proposed  to  remit 
the  shilling  duty  on  corn  imposed  for  revenue 
purposes  in  1901.  Beaten  in  the  Cabinet 
Mr.  Chamberlain  appealed  to  public  opinion. 
Mr.  Balfour  declared  for  retaliation  as  a 


26  HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

means  of  reducing  tariffs,  but  refused  to 
accept  the  taxation  of  food,  and  declared 
that  no  changes  would  be  made  by  the  ex- 
isting Parliament.  In  September  the  storm 
burst.  Mr.  Chamberlain  resigned  in  order 
to  be  free  to  conduct  his  campaign,  the  Duke 
of  Devonshire  because  he  was  unable  to 
agree  with  the  Prime  Minister's  newly  an- 
nounced fiscal  views.  The  ex-Chancellors, 
Goschen  and  Hicks-Beach,  also  declared 
their  opposition  to  the  Chamberlain  pro- 
gramme, while  Mr.  Winston  Churchill  and 
a  few  other  prominent  Unionists  crossed  the 
floor  of  the  House. 

The  Cabinet,  reconstructed  with  lesser 
men,  held  on  for  two  years  more,  but  with 
diminishing  strength  and  prestige.  Indig- 
nation was  aroused  by  the  introduction  of 
Chinese  coolies  into  the  Transvaal  mines 
under  conditions  that  existed  nowhere  else 
in  the  British  Empire.  Conscious  of  the 
growing  unpopularity  of  his  Government, 
and  weakened  by  the  divisions  of  his  party, 
Mr.  Balfour  resigned  office  in  November 
1905.  He  had  displayed  remarkable  par- 
liamentary skill;  but  the  greatest  personal 
success  of  the  Ministry  was  Lord  Lans- 
downe,  whose  treaties  with  Japan  and 
France  and  skilful  handling  of  the  Mace- 
donian problem  revealed  his  rare  diplomatic 
ability. 


THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE  27 

On  the  resignation  of  Mr.  Balfour,  Camp- 
bell-Bannerman  undertook  the  task  of  form- 
ing a  Ministry.  When  he  accepted  the 
leadership  of  the  Liberal  party  he  was  only 
known  as  a  capable  administrator.  The 
divisions  that  had  caused  Lord  Rosebery  to 
resign  his  post  in  1896  and  Harcourt  to 
follow  his  example  three  years  later  were 
intensified  on  the  outbreak  of  the  Boer  War; 
but  he  held  tenaciously  to  his  convictions 
and  waited  with  patient  confidence  for  the 
turn  of  the  tide.  The  inauguration  of  the 
Protectionist  campaign  in  1903  disunited 
the  Unionists  and  reunited  the  Liberals. 
Among  the  champions  of  Free  Trade  none 
was  more  active  than  Lord  Rosebery;  but, 
shortly  before  the  change  of  Ministry,  he 
asserted  that  he  would  never  serve  under  a 
Home  Rule  banner.  Despite  his  withdrawal 
his  political  friends  accepted  office  in  the  new 
Ministry.  Though  a  Liberal  victory  was 
anticipated,  the  crushing  defeat  of  the 
Unionists  was  somewhat  of  a  surprise.  But 
the  country  was  ripe  for  a  change  both  of 
measures  and  men.  It  had  had  its  fill  of  war 
and  adventure,  and  craved  more  nourishing 
fare.  The  election  marks  the  end  of  the 
period  of  Unionist  predominance  and  Im- 
perialist expansion,  the  era  of  Chamberlain 
and  Kipling.  Among  the  striking  features 
of  the  election  were  the  solid  opposition  of 


28  HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

the  North  to  Protection  and  the  unwavering 
loyalty  of  Birmingham  to  its  greatest  citizen. 
But  its  most  important  incident  was  the 
return  of  29  members  of  the  Independent 
Labour  Party.  The  Labour  Representation 
Committee,  founded  in  1900,  had  done  its 
work  well.  Mr.  Keir  Hardie  had  sat  alone 
in  the  Parliament  of  1892,  and  he  and  one 
or  two  more  working  men  were  members  of 
the  Parliament  of  1900.  They  now  formed 
a  recognised  party,  which  quickly  earned 
respect  by  its  ability,  its  sincerity,  and  its 
scrupulous  observance  of  the  forms  of  the 
House.  While  the  working  men  who  sat  on 
the  Liberal  benches  represented  the  older 
and  more  individualist  Trade  Union  tradi- 
tion, the  Independent  Labour  Party  was 
predominantly  Socialist,  and  spoke  also  for 
the  New  Unionism,  which  dates  from  the 
Dock  strike  of  1889. 

One  of  the  first  tasks  of  the  new  Govern- 
ment was  to  prohibit  the  further  introduc- 
tion of  Chinese  labour  into  South  Africa,  and 
to  grant  self-governing  institutions  to  the 
Transvaal  and  the  Orange  River  Colony.  The 
Chinese  were  repatriated  without  damage  to 
the  mining  interest,  and  British  and  Dutch 
began  to  co-operate  in  the  development  of 
their  common  country.  In  1909  the  two 
new  Colonies  combined  with  the  Cape  and 
Natal,  and  in  1910,  General  Botha  became 


THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE  29 

head  of  the  first  Union  Cabinet.  Thus 
South  Africa  at  last  passed  out  of  British 
party  controversy. 

The  most  important  Bill  of  the  opening 
session  was  designed  to  remove  the  griev- 
ances arising  under  the  Education  Act  of 
1902;  but  the  Lords  insisted  on  alterations 
which  the  Government  refused  to  accept. 
The  first  session  also  witnessed  the  addition 
of  6  million  workers  to  those  already  entitled 
to  compensation  for  accident,  the  restoration 
to  Trade  Unions  of  the  powers  which  they 
had  possessed  before  the  Taff  Vale  judg- 
ment, the  recognition  of  the  rights  of  the 
Tenant  Farmer,  and  the  authorisation  of 
contributions  from  the  rates  to  the  feeding 
of  necessitous  school  children.  The  session 
of  1907  was  less  eventful.  A  Territorial 
army  was  created  in  which  the  old  Volun- 
teer associations  were  merged,  new  facilities 
were  granted  for  the  establishment  of  Small 
Holdings,  and  medical  inspection  of  school 
children  was  inaugurated.  A  Bill  transfer- 
ring certain  departments  of  local  administra- 
tion to  a  Council  sitting  in  Dublin  was 
condemned  by  the  Nationalists  as  inade- 
quate and  withdrawn  by  the  Government. 
When  the  session  was  over  the  Prime  Minister 
was  struck  down.  He  resigned  early  in  1908, 
and  died  soon  after.  While  the  Boer  War 
had  shown  his  courage  and  tenacity,  his 


80  HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

leadership  of  the  House  revealed  his  rare 
parliamentary  skill  and  his  unequalled  capac- 
ity for  inspiring  the  affectionate  confidence 
of  his  followers.  Mr.  Asquith  became  Prime 
Minister,  and  his  place  as  Chancellor  of 
the  Exchequer  was  filled  by  Mr.  Lloyd 
George. 

The  session  of  1908  was  as  crowded  and 
eventful  as  that  of  1906.  A  measure  estab- 
lishing Old  Age  Pensions  at  the  age  of 
seventy  and  protecting  child  life  was  car- 
ried; but  the  largest  and  boldest  project,  the 
Licensing  Bill,  was  rejected  by  the  Lords. 
Mr.  Asquith  immediately  declared  that  the 
Veto  was  henceforward  the  dominant  issue 
in  politics,  and  the  session  of  1909  witnessed 
the  outbreak  of  fierce  hostilities  between  the 
Houses.  The  Budget,  which  had  to  find  14 
millions  to  defray  the  rapidly  increasing  ex- 
pense of  the  Navy  and  Old  Age  Pensions, 
was  rejected  by  the  Lords  on  November  30. 
Their  action,  which  was  chiefly  due  to  dis- 
like of  the  land  taxes,  rendered  a  dissolution 
inevitable,  and  the  double  issue  of  the 
Budget  and  the  Veto  was  submitted  to  the 
electors.  Ireland,  Scotland,  Wales,  and  the 
North  of  England  stood  firmly  by  the  Gov- 
ernment; but  the  Unionists  won  back  the 
South  and  returned  to  Westminster  with  a 
net  gain  of  100  seats.  The  two  great  parties 
were  almost  exactly  equal,  but  the  support 


THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE  31 

of  the  Labour  and  Nationalist  members  fur- 
nished a  majority  of  122  opposed  to  the  Veto 
of  the  Upper  House. 

The  Lords  accepted  the  Budget  of  1909, 
which  was  sent  up  to  them  unchanged.  The 
Government's  policy  was  then  presented  in 
the  form  of  resolutions,  the  first  abolishing 
the  veto  on  finance,  the  second  limiting  the 
veto  on  other  measures  to  two  years,  the 
third  reducing  the  life  of  Parliament  from 
7  to  5  years.  The  limitation  of  the  veto 
had  been  urged  by  Bright  in  1884,  by  Glad- 
stone in  his  valedictory  speech,  and  by  Lord 
Rosebery  while  Prime  Minister.  It  had 
been  approved  by  the  Commons  on  the  ini- 
tiative of  Campbell-Bannerman  in  1907, 
and  was  now  reaffirmed  after  prolonged  de- 
bate. Meanwhile  the  House  of  Lords,  on 
the  instigation  of  Lord  Rosebery,  passed 
resolutions  providing  that  the  possession  of 
a  peerage  should  not  of  itself  carry  with  it 
a  seat  in  the  Upper  House.  While  the  armies 
thus  stood  facing  each  other  in  battle  array, 
King  Edward  VII  suddenly  died,  and  the 
leaders  of  the  two  great  parties  entered  into  a 
Conference.  In  November  the  failure  of  the 
Conference  was  announced,  and  Parliament 
was  immediately  dissolved.  The  Unionist 
leaders  promptly  outlined  a  plan  for  re- 
ducing the  size  of  the  Upper  Chamber,  ob- 
taining half  its  members  by  election  or 


32  HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

nomination,  and  settling  grave  disputes  by 
a  Referendum.  Thus  one  party  proposed 
the  alteration  of  its  composition,  the  other 
the  limitation  of  its  powers.  The  decision  of 
the  country  was  asked  and  given  on  a  single 
issue,  and  the  Government  was  confirmed  in 
power  by  an  undiminished  majority. 

While  domestic  controversy  remains  acute, 
a  considerable  measure  of  agreement  has 
been  reached  in  regard  to  external  questions. 
Both  parties  accept  the  Japanese  Alliance 
and  the  Triple  Entente,  both  support  un- 
conditional arbitration  with  the  United 
States  and  the  maintenance  of  a  supreme 
Navy.  Few  men  on  either  side  any  longer 
wish  either  to  increase  or  diminish  the  size 
of  the  Empire.  The  problem  of  to-day  is 
to  defend,  develop,  and  consolidate  the  vast 
territories  which  owe  allegiance  to  the  British 
crown.  Canada,  Australia,  and  South  Africa 
are  now  less  daughter  nations  than  allies. 
The  Colonial  Conference  has  become  the 
Imperial  Conference,  the  Colonies  have  be- 
come Dominions,  and  their  Governments 
negotiate  commercial  treaties  with  foreign 
Powers.  Canada  and  Australia  are  creating 
their  own  fleets.  More  frequent  and  sys- 
tematic consultation  between  the  Govern- 
ments is  desirable,  and  an  important  step 
was  taken  at  the  Conference  of  1911  when 
the  foreign  policy  of  the  Mother  Country 


THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE  S3 

was  explained  to  the  Dominion  Premiers. 
But  every  project  of  fiscal,  military,  and 
political  unification  must  be  tested  by  its 
bearing  on  the  sovereign  principle  of  local 
autonomy. 


CHAPTER  H 

THE   FRENCH   REPUBLIC 

THE  history  of  the  Third  Republic  is  a 
record  of  earnest  and  successful  endeavour 
to  extricate  France  from  the  abyss  into 
which  she  was  plunged  by  Napoleon  III,  and 
to  make  her  a  powerful,  prosperous,  and 
democratic  State.  The  thread  which  runs 
through  and  connects  the  main  events  of 
the  last  forty  years  is  the  establishment  of 
republican  institutions  and  their  defence 
against  enemies  within  and  without.  Though 
all  Frenchmen  are  not  yet  republicans,  time 
has  confirmed  the  truth  of  Thiers'  famous 
words,  "It  is  the  Republic  which  divides 
us  least."  When  the  Comte  de  Chambord 
refused  to  accept  the  tricolour  flag,  all  but 
the  most  extreme  Monarchists  ceased  to 
work  for  his  restoration.  A  republican  Con- 
stitution was  drawn  up  in  1875,  the  Clerico- 
Monarchist  attack  of  Macmahon  and  the 
Due  de  Broglie  was  repulsed,  the  finances 
were  placed  on  a  sound  basis  by  Leon  Say, 
the  army  was  enlarged  and  reorganised, 
Tunis  was  added  to  the  Colonial  Empire, 

84 


THE  FRENCH  REPUBLIC  35 

secular  education  was  instituted  by  Jules 
Ferry,  and  Grevy,  a  staunch  Republican, 
was  elected  President  in  1879.  At  Gam- 
betta's  death  in  1882,  the  edifice  of  which  he 
was  the  chief  architect  gave  fair  promise  of 
stability. 

The  Ministry  of  Ferry,  which  held  office 
from  1883  to  1885,  witnessed  not  only  the 
extension  of  French  Indo-China,  but  also  a 
modification  of  the  Constitution.  It  was 
enacted  that  the  republican  form  of  govern- 
ment should  never  be  subject  to  revision, 
that  members  of  the  families  which  had 
reigned  in  France  should  be  ineligible  for 
the  Presidency,  that  no  more  life  senators 
should  be  created,  and  that  single-member 
constituencies  should  be  replaced  by  the 
scrutin  de  lisle.  The  fall  of  the  Ministry 
was  followed  by  elections  in  which  nearly 
half  the  votes  were  given  to  Monarchists. 
The  Republicans  were  divided  into  the  Op- 
portunists, who  inherited  the  tradition  of 
Gambetta,  and  the  Radicals,  of  whom  the 
most  brilliant  gladiator  was  Clemenceau; 
but  in  face  of  the  common  danger  they 
combined  to  elect  Grevy  for  a  second  pres- 
idential term.  Their  nervousness  was  fur- 
ther shown  by  the  expulsion  in  1886  of  the 
leading  members  of  families  that  had  ruled 
in  France,  a  measure  aimed  at  the  Comte 
de  Paris,  who,  since  the  death  of  the  child- 


36  HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

less  Comte  de  Chambord  in  1883,  had 
become  the  candidate  of  Legitimists  as  well 
as  Orleanists. 

A  foe  more  formidable  to  the  Republic 
than  the  Comte  de  Paris  was  at  hand.  Early 
in  1886  Boulanger,  whom  Gambetta  had 
called  one  of  the  four  best  officers  in  France, 
became  Minister  of  War  in  the  Freycinet 
Ministry.  He  possessed  unusual  energy,  and 
he  ingratiated  himself  with  the  soldiers  by 
increasing  their  comforts.  At  a  review  on 
the  anniversary  of  the  fall  of  the  Bastille 
he  was  received  with  acclamation  by  the 
crowd.  A  Boulangist  movement  began  under 
the  auspices  of  Rochefort  and  Deroulede, 
the  programme  of  which  was  the  suppression 
of  the  parliamentary  regime  and  the  dictator- 
ship of  the  General.  Early  in  1887  his 
swaggering  Chauvinism  on  the  occasion  of 
the  arrest  of  Schnaebele  increased  his  popu- 
larity with  the  mob.  The  fall  of  the  Ministry 
of  which  he  was  a  member  and  his  dispatch 
to  the  command  of  an  army  corps  in  the 
provinces  in  no  way  diminished  his  influence. 
The  Clerical,  Monarchist,  and  Bonapartist 
parties  saw  a  chance  of  overturning  the 
Republic,  and  the  Comte  de  Paris,  in  spite 
of  Boulanger's  scandalous  conduct  to  his 
house,  supplied  money  for  the  campaign. 
The  danger  was  increased  by  a  presidential 
crisis.  Shortly  after  the  re-election  of  Grevy 


THE  FRENCH  REPUBLIC  37 

it  was  discovered  that  his  son-in-law,  Wilson, 
was  selling  honours  from  the  Elysee.  The 
President  was  forced  to  resign,  and  though 
Carnot,  the  grandson  of  the  Organiser  of 
Victory,  succeeded  him,  the  prestige  of  the 
Republic  received  a  damaging  blow.  At 
this  moment  of  republican  disillusion  Bou- 
langer  came  to  Paris  without  permission.  He 
was  deprived  of  his  command,  but  was 
immediately  elected  to  Parliament  by  an 
enormous  majority.  Though  the  General 
made  no  mark  in  the  Chamber,  he  was  re- 
turned by  several  departments.  In  January 
1889  his  election  for  the  department  of  the 
Seine  by  an  overwhelming  majority  showed 
that  Paris  was  behind  him;  and  had  he 
struck  on  the  night  of  his  triumph,  he  would 
have  slain  the  Republic.  He  let  slip  the 
opportunity  of  his  life,  and  a  few  weeks  later, 
on  learning  that  he  was  to  be  arrested,  fled 
from  the  country.  In  his  absence  he  was 
tried  for  treason,  and  sentenced  to  perpetual 
imprisonment.  A  few  months  later  the  sui- 
cide of  the  sham  Napoleon  in  Brussels  brought 
to  a  fitting  close  one  of  the  most  discreditable 
chapters  in  the  history  of  modern  France. 

The  Exhibition  of  1889  helped  to  restore 
confidence  in  the  Republic.  Single-member 
constituencies  were  restored  and  candida- 
tures for  more  than  one  seat  forbidden,  and 
at  the  elections  of  1889  the  Royalist  vote 


38  HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

sank  from  45  to  21  per  cent,  of  the  total  poll. 
A  short  period  of  calm  followed  the  violent 
agitations  of  recent  years.  No  legislation  of 
importance  was  passed  except  that  which, 
on  the  initiative  of  Meline,  set  up  a  general 
tariff  in  1892.  But  the  tranquillity  was 
violently  disturbed  by  the  Panama  scandals. 
The  great  engineer  De  Lesseps,  after  con- 
structing the  Suez  Canal,  determined  to 
pierce  the  Isthmus  of  Panama,  a  project  as 
old  as  Philip  II.  The  thrifty  peasantry 
readily  entrusted  him  with  their  savings, 
and  a  company  was  formed  in  1881.  The 
engineering  difficulties  proved  immensely 
greater  than  had  been  anticipated,  and 
tropical  diseases  played  havoc  with  the 
workmen.  In  1888  the  Company  was  in  need 
of  further  capital,  and,  failing  to  obtain  it, 
suspended  the  payment  of  interest.  The 
shareholders  were  willing  to  forfeit  their  in- 
terest till  the  opening  of  the  canal,  and  De 
Lesseps  was  offered  the  Chairmanship  of  a 
new  Company,  with  a  million  to  complete  the 
work.  But  he  had  lost  his  buoyant  self- 
confidence,  and  refused  to  undertake  further 
responsibilities.  Moreover,  the  United  States, 
which  had  kept  up  a  running  fire  of  criticism 
from  the  start,  now  expressed  open  hostility. 
Three  foreign  Commissioners  were  sent  to 
Panama,  and  their  report  destroyed  the  last 
illusions  of  the  hapless  investors.  Though 


THE  FRENCH  REPUBLIC  89 

50  millions  had  already  been  raised,  30  mil- 
lions more  would  be  required,  and  when  the 
canal  was  open  for  traffic  the  prospect  of 
revenue  was  small.  These  revelations  were 
followed  by  others  which  intensified  the 
poignancy  of  the  disaster.  It  was  discovered 
that  barely  two-thirds  of  the  vast  sum 
already  raised  had  been  spent  on  the  isthmus. 
A  Parliamentary  Committee,  appointed  in 
the  autumn  of  1892,  reported  that  past  and 
present  members  of  both  Chambers  had  re- 
ceived money.  Early  in  1893  the  Directors 
of  the  Company  were  brought  to  trial.  De 
Lesseps  himself  was  sentenced  to  imprison- 
ment; but  as  he  was  nearly  ninety,  and 
almost  imbecile,  he  was  allowed  to  end  his 
days  in  peace.  The  Boulanger  crisis  revealed 
the  strength  of  the  enemies  of  the  Republic. 
Panama  disclosed  the  moral  weakness  of 
some  of  its  own  champions.  It  seemed,  in- 
deed, to  be  pursued  by  a  remorseless  fate. 
In  1894  the  blameless  Carnot  was  assassi- 
nated by  an  anarchist,  and  his  successor, 
Casimir-Perier,  after  seven  months  of  office, 
resigned  his  exalted  post.  He  had  been  vio- 
lently attacked  by  the  Socialists  and  the  Ex- 
treme Left,  and  his  ministers  withheld  from 
him  decisions  in  reference  to  foreign  policy 
and  national  defence. 

While  the   Republic   was   thus   receiving 
blow  upon  blow,  it  seemed  as  if  it  were 


40  HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

about  to  make  peace  with  one  of  its  most 
formidable  adversaries.  Though  the  clergy 
had  hated  the  Italian  policy  of  Louis  Napo- 
leon, they  at  any  rate  preferred  him  to  his 
successors.  When  Macmahon  dismissed 
Jules  Simon  and  appointed  the  Due  de 
Broglie,  the  Church  warmly  supported  the 
attempt  of  the  Royalists  to  capture  the  ex- 
ecutive. It  was  after  the  historic  election  of 
1877  that  Gambetta  uttered  his  famous 
declaration  "Le  Clericalisme,  voila  1'ennemi." 
Open  war  was  declared  when  Ferry  banished 
the  Jesuits  and  attempted  to  forbid  mem- 
bers of  unauthorised  Orders  to  teach.  Under 
the  circumstances  it  was  not  surprising  that 
the  Church  and  the  Orders  should  have 
supported  Boulanger  in  his  endeavour  to 
overturn  the  Republic. 

The  Boulangist  crisis  suggested  to  many 
Republicans  the  desirability  of  attempting 
to  disarm  the  hostility  of  the  Church;  and  a 
powerful  influence  in  the  direction  of  peace 
was  exerted  from  the  Vatican.  In  1890 
the  saintly  Cardinal  Lavigerie  hoisted  the 
signal  of  reconciliation  by  proposing  the 
toast  of  the  Republic  in  the  presence  of 
French  officers  on  a  visit  to  Algiers,  and  in 
1892  the  Pope  took  the  decisive  step  of 
issuing  an  Encyclical  urging  French  Catholics 
to  rally  to  the  Republic.  The  majority  of 
Royalists,  led  by  the  Comte  de  Mun,  fol- 


THE  FRENCH  REPUBLIC  41 

lowed  his  injunctions  and  formed  the  party 
of  the  "Rallies."  The  Republicans  showed 
their  appreciation  by  dropping  the  demand 
for  the  separation  of  Church  and  State  in  the 
elections  of  1893;  but  the  halcyon  days 
were  few  and  were  followed  by  far  fiercer 
combats. 

A  new  element  of  discord  had  been  intro- 
duced by  a  campaign  against  the  Jews, 
inaugurated  by  Drumont.  His  contention 
that  France  was  being  exploited  by  alien 
financiers  received  some  shadow  of  con- 
firmation from  the  Panama  scandals.  The 
support  of  Catholics  was  secured  by  attribu- 
ting the  anti-clerical  policy  of  the  Republic  to 
the  influence  of  the  Jews,  while  the  army 
was  adjured  to  purge  itself  of  the  Semitic 
virus  which  was  alleged  to  be  working  on 
behalf  of  the  national  enemy.  In  October 
1894,  La  Libre  Parole  announced  a  concrete 
case  of  treason.  Captain  Dreyfus,  a  Jewish 
officer  of  artillery,  was  arrested  on  the  charge 
of  betraying  military  secrets  to  Germany. 
He  was  tried  by  court-martial,  sentenced  to 
detention  for  life,  publicly  degraded,  and 
transported  to  an  island  off  French  Guiana. 
Though  the  arrest  attracted  little  notice  at 
the  time,  many  of  his  co-religionists  sus- 
pected that  his  condemnation  was  unjust. 
In  1896  Colonel  Picquart,  who  had  become 
head  of  the  Intelligence  Department  of  the 


42  HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

War  Office,  informed  the  Minister  for  War 
that  he  believed  the  incriminating  letter  to 
have  been  written  by  Major  Esterhazy. 
The  War  Office  replied  by  sending  Picquart 
on  foreign  service  and  replacing  him  by 
Colonel  Henry.  The  next  step  was  taken 
in  1897  when  Scheurer-Kestner,  a  Protestant 
Senator,  announced  his  conviction  that  the 
prisoner  of  the  Devil's  Isle  was  innocent; 
but  the  Meline  Ministry  replied  that  it  was 
impossible  to  go  behind  the  judgment  of  the 
Court. 

France  was  now  divided  into  hostile 
camps.  On  the  side  of  Dreyfus  were  such 
doughty  warriors  as  Clemenceau,  Jaures, 
Joseph  Reinach,  Zola,  and  Anatole  France; 
against  him  were  the  mob,  the  army  and  the 
Church,  with  a  few  Catholic  and  Royalist 
intellectuels,  such  as  Brunetiere  and  Jules 
Lemaitre,  Coppee  and  Bourget.  In  the  latter 
camp  was  also  found  President  Faure,  who 
had  succeeded  Casimir-Perier  and  whose 
loyalty  to  the  Parliamentary  Republic  was 
not  above  suspicion.  Esterhazy  was  acquitted 
of  writing  the  letter  by  a  court-martial,  Zola 
was  condemned  for  an  attack  on  the  mili- 
tary authorities,  and  Picquart  was  impris- 
oned without  trial  for  his  championship  of 
Dreyfus.  The  elections  of  1898  led  to  the 
resignation  of  the  Meline  Cabinet  and  the 
formation  of  a  Radical  Ministry  under 


THE  FRENCH  REPUBLIC  43 

Brisson;  but  the  majority  was  still  anti- 
Dreyfusard.  When  the  Chamber  met,  the 
War  Minister,  Cavaignac,  communicated  to 
it  new  proofs  of  the  prisoner's  guilt;  but  a 
month  later  Colonel  Henry  confessed  that 
the  documents  had  been  forged  by  himself, 
and  committed  suicide  in  prison.  The  for- 
geries of  Henry  left  the  Government  no 
choice  but  to  refer  the  case  to  the  Cour  de 
Cassation.  The  trial  was  delayed  by  the 
hostility  of  Brisson's  successor,  Dupuy,  but  a 
formidable  obstacle  was  removed  by  the 
sudden  death  of  Faure  in  the  early  days 
of  1899. 

The  defenders  of  Dreyfus  were  animated 
by  an  unselfish  determination  to  secure  the 
release  of  an  innocent  man;  but  a  simple 
miscarriage  of  military  justice  would  not 
have  convulsed  France.  As  the  drama  de- 
veloped Dreyfus  became  the  symbol  of  prin- 
ciples which  were  supported  or  attacked 
without  much  reference  to  his  guilt  or  inno- 
cence. His  chief  defenders  were  almost 
without  exception  Protestants,  Jews,  free- 
thinkers, Radicals,  and  Socialists.  The  core 
of  the  anti-Dreyfusard  coalition  was  anti- 
Republican,  and  the  fight  for  Dreyfus  de- 
veloped into  a  fight  for  the  Republic.  On  the 
day  of  Faure's  funeral  Deroulede,  the  poet  of 
La  Revanche  and  the  champion  of  a  plebisci- 
tary  executive,  attempted  to  lead  General 


44  HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

Roget,  a  prominent  anti-Dreyfusard  who  was 
on  duty  with  his  troops,  against  the  Elysee. 
The  attempt  failed  and  Deroulede  was  ban- 
ished; but  a  few  weeks  later  an  organised 
assault  on  the  new  President,  Loubet,  on 
the  race  course  at  Auteuil,  showed  that  the 
danger  was  not  yet  over. 

The  existence  of  the  Republic  has  been 
thrice  seriously  threatened.  The  attack  of 
1877  had  been  mainly  frustrated  by  Gam- 
betta,  that  of  Boulanger  by  Constans. 
That  it  emerged  unscathed  from  the  still 
more  formidable  onslaught  of  the  anti- 
Dreyfusards  was  mainly  due  to  Waldeck- 
Rousseau,  who  took  office  when  the  failure  to 
screen  the  head  of  the  State  from  insult  led 
to  the  fall  of  the  Dupuy  Ministry  in  June 
1899.  Under  the  joint  influence  of  the  new 
President  and  the  new  Premier  the  forces 
of  reason  began  to  reassert  themselves. 
Waldeck-Rousseau  had  already  made  his 
name  at  the  bar  when  he  entered  Parliament 
in  1879.  He  quickly  attracted  the  attention 
of  Gambetta,  and  became  Minister  of  the 
Interior  in  the  Grand  Ministere  and  again 
in  the  long  Ministry  of  Jules  Ferry.  When 
the  latter  fell  in  1885  his  friend  and  fol- 
lower returned  to  the  bar,  where  his  prac- 
tice was  so  lucrative  that  it  was  generally 
believed  that  he  would  never  again  embark 
on  the  stormy  sea  of  politics.  Yet  when  the 


THE  FRENCH  REPUBLIC  45 

existence  of  the  Republic  seemed  at  stake 
in  1899  he  responded  to  the  call.  His  cool 
brain  and  reserved  manners,  his  prestige 
and  disinterestedness,  exerted  a  tranquil- 
lising  effect;  and  his  choice  of  colleagues 
gave  ocular  demonstration  of  his  resolve  to 
unite  all  sincere  Republicans  in  defence  of 
the  State.  Though  declaring  himself  "a 
convinced  individualist,"  he  appointed  the 
socialist  Millerand  Minister  of  Public  Works. 
To  reassure  the  army  he  persuaded  General 
Galliffet,  famous  as  a  beau  sabreur  and  as 
the  executioner  of  the  Communards,  to  ac- 
cept the  War  Office. 

The  first  task  of  the  new  Ministry  was  to 
liquidate  the  case  around  which  such  furious 
passions  had  raged.  In  accordance  with  the 
decision  of  the  Cour  de  Cassation  Dreyfus 
was  brought  home  and  tried  before  a  court- 
martial  at  Rennes.  He  was  found  guilty 
by  5  votes  to  2,  and  sentenced  to  ten  years' 
detention;  but  the  verdict  carried  no  weight, 
and  the  sorely-tried  Jew  was  immediately 
pardoned  by  the  President  of  the  Republic. 
The  whole  case  was  subsequently  investi- 
gated by  the  Cour  de  Cassation,  and  Dreyfus 
was  reinstated  in  the  army  with  promotion 
to  the  rank  of  Major.  The  termination  of 
"the  affair"  was,  however,  only  the  be- 
ginning of  the  task  of  reconstruction  to 
which  the  Ministry  was  pledged.  The  great 


46  HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

officers,  "Nationalist"  almost  to  a  man, 
had  usurped  a  position  which  no  State  could 
tolerate,  and  one  of  the  first  steps  was  to 
assert  the  absolute  supremacy  of  the  Govern- 
ment over  the  army.  Waldeck-Rousseau 
assumed  office  not  only  to  rescue  the  Republic 
from  its  enemies,  but  to  take  precautions 
that  they  should  never  be  in  a  position  to 
renew  the  attack.  The  rapprochement  be- 
tween the  Church  and  the  Republic  was 
rudely  disturbed  when  La  Croix,  the  organ 
of  the  Assumptionists,  and  other  clerical 
papers  flung  themselves  with  fiendish  pas- 
sion into  the  campaign  against  Dreyfus  and 
violently  traduced  the  supporters  of  the  Re- 
public. The  attack  was  repulsed,  and  the 
Republicans  proceeded  to  retaliate. 

In  1900  the  Premier  announced  the  intro- 
duction of  legislation  in  reference  to  Associa- 
tions. The  authorisation  of  Government  was 
required  for  any  association,  political,  social 
or  religious,  consisting  of  more  than  twenty 
persons;  and  such  authorisation  the  greater 
religious  Orders  had  never  received.  Despite 
their  precarious  legal  position  their  member- 
ship had  grown  sixfold  since  their  nominal 
suppression  by  Ferry,  while  their  property 
was  estimated  at  forty  millions.  Such  rapid 
progress  in  numbers  and  wealth  was  watched 
with  a  not  too  friendly  eye  by  their  historic 
rivals,  the  parochial  clergy,  who  were  assured 


THE  FRENCH  REPUBLIC  47 

by  the  Premier  that  they  would  not  be 
affected  by  the  coming  legislation.  The  Bill 
was  introduced  in  1901  and  passed  with  little 
opposition.  The  right  to  associate  for  legal 
purposes  was  freed  from  restrictions,  but 
religious  congregations  could  only  be  formed 
by  a  special  statute,  and  the  rules  of  each 
Order  were  to  be  submitted  for  approval. 
No  member  of  an  unauthorised  Order  could 
teach  in  any  school.  The  Premier  denied 
that  the  Bill  was  an  attack  on  religion. 
There  was  no  desire,  he  declared,  for  a 
wholesale  suppression.  Each  case  would  be 
decided  on  its  merits.  Several  Orders,  the 
Assumptionists  among  them,  failed  to  regu- 
larise their  position,  and  were  at  once 
proscribed. 

In  1902,  after  an  election  which  confirmed 
his  power,  Waldeck-Rousseau,  whose  health 
had  rapidly  deteriorated,  resigned  office. 
Two  years  later  he  died  at  the  age  of  fifty- 
six.  His  three  years'  rule  had  re-established 
the  prestige  of  France,  and  his  place  in  the 
hierarchy  of  the  statesmen  of  the  Third  Re- 
public is  only  a  little  below  that  of  Gambetta 
and  Ferry.  His  successor,  Combes,  a  zealous 
anti-clerical,  who  had  been  educated  as  a 
seminarist,  continued  the  campaign  against 
the  Associations  with  a  harshness  which 
provoked  public  condemnation  by  the  author 
of  the  law.  In  the  next  place,  he  closed 


48  HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

schools  recently  opened  in  private  buildings 
on  the  ground  that  they  were  conducted  by 
members  of  religious  Associations,  and  fol- 
lowed by  the  suppression  of  those  conducted 
by  Orders  which  had  not  applied  for  author- 
isation. In  1904  a  further  law  forbade  mem- 
bers even  of  authorised  Orders  to  teach. 
Though  the  harrying  of  the  Associations  in- 
volved exile  and  poverty  to  individuals,  the 
policy  of  the  Government  was  supported  or 
regarded  with  indifference  by  the  mass  of 
the  nation. 

No  sooner  were  the  Associations  dissolved 
than  an  even  graver  step  became  imminent. 
Combes  had  declared  that  his  shafts  would 
be  aimed  at  the  monks,  not  the  priests;  but 
the  distinction  could  not  long  be  maintained. 
Though  the  separation  of  Church  and  State 
had  been  advocated  in  the  earlier  years  of 
the  Republic,  little  was  heard  of  it  after  the 
papal  utterance  of  1892,  and  it  was  dis- 
avowed by  Waldeck-Rousseau.  None  the 
less  an  annual  motion  was  brought  forward 
by  the  Extreme  Left,  and  after  the  inter- 
vention of  the  Church  in  the  Dreyfus  crisis 
the  demand  for  separation  became  louder. 
With  the  accession  of  Pius  X  in  the  summer 
of  1903,  the  conciliatory  policy  of  Leo  and 
Rampolla  was  discontinued.  The  Premier 
challenged  the  wording  of  the  papal  bulls 
for  the  institution  of  bishops,  contending 


THE  FRENCH  REPUBLIC  49 

that  the  Papacy  had  no  choice  but  to  in- 
stitute the  candidate  nominated  by  the 
Government.  A  deadlock  ensued,  and  no 
further  bishops  were  appointed  under  the 
Concordat,  which  Combes  now  threatened 
to  abrogate.  The  Pope  publicly  denounced 
the  tendencies  of  the  French  Government, 
and  when  President  Loubet  paid  a  return 
visit  to  Victor  Emanuel  in  Rome  in  April 
1904  he  loudly  protested.  To  this  tactless 
step  the  Ministry  replied  by  withdrawing  the 
French  ambassador  to  the  Vatican.  Shortly 
after  the  Pope  issued  orders  to  two  bishops 
without  communication  with  the  Govern- 
ment. Combes  retorted  by  withdrawing  the 
French  chargS  d'affaires  and  advising  the 
recall  of  the  papal  nuncio  from  Paris. 

The  inevitable  sequel  of  the  embittered 
conflict  was  the  abrogation  of  the  Concordat. 
In  pursuance  of  his  task  of  pacification 
Napoleon  had  restored  the  Church  in  1801. 
Following  the  Gallican  tradition  the  Con- 
cordat reserved  large  powers  to  the  executive; 
and  Organic  Articles  were  drawn  up  which, 
though  not  accepted  by  the  Pope,  were 
applied  by  successive  Governments.  The 
arrangement  lasted  for  a  century,  and  might 
have  continued  but  for  the  almost  simulta- 
neous accession  to  power  of  two  such  enemies 
of  compromise  as  Pius  X  and  Emile  Combes. 
In  the  autumn  of  1904  a  Committee  of  the 


50  HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

Chamber  was  appointed  to  inquire  into  the 
problem  of  separation.  The  report  of  its 
chairman,  Briand,  a  Socialist  barrister, 
formed  the  basis  of  the  proposals  presented 
to  Parliament  early  in  1905  and  carried  into 
law  by  the  end  of  the  year.  The  Combes 
Ministry  fell  before  the  discussion  began; 
but  its  policy  survived  it.  The  Separation 
Law  declared  that  the  Republic  no  longer 
recognised  nor  supported  any  religious  or- 
ganisation, and  that  the  property  of  such 
bodies,  of  which  an  inventory  was  to  be 
made  by  the  State,  should  be  transferred  to 
Associations  of  Public  Worship.  Salaries 
were  continued  for  life  in  the  case  of  the 
older  clergy,  and  in  other  cases  according  to 
the  length  of  service.  Precisely  the  same  ar- 
rangements applied  to  Protestant  and  Jewish 
ministers,  who  had  likewise  received  salaries 
from  the  State,  and  who,  though  loyal  to  the 
Republic,  had  to  suffer  with  the  rest.  The 
taking  of  the  inventories  of  the  Churches  led 
to  frequent  conflicts,  in  which  the  troops  had 
on  several  occasions  to  intervene. 

The  kernel  of  the  scheme  was  the  Associa- 
tion Cultuelle,  which  the  Protestants  and 
Jews  adopted,  and  which  with  few  excep- 
tions the  French  bishops  approved;  but  the 
Pope,  after  long  consideration,  forbade  their 
formation.  The  clergy  had  no  choice  but 
to  submit,  and  valuable  resources  passed  out 


THE  FRENCH  REPUBLIC  51 

of  their  control.  Sincere  sympathy  for  the 
plight  of  the  Church  was  felt  by  moderate 
Republicans,  and  Briand,  who  became  Min- 
ister of  Education  and  Public  Worship  in 
the  Clemenceau  Cabinet  in  1906,  adminis- 
tered the  law  with  marked  forbearance. 
Thus  the  Republic  disarmed  one  of  its  most 
dangerous  foes;  but  the  power  of  the  Church 
for  evil  or  for  good  has  been  diminished  as 
much  by  the  growing  indifference  of  the 
nation  as  by  drastic  legislation.  In  most 
districts  the  men  have  long  held  ostenta- 
tiously aloof  from  its  ministrations,  and 
even  in  Brittany,  that  relic  of  a  vanishing 
world,  its  influence  is  waning.  Protestantism 
holds  its  own  but  makes  no  conquests;  and 
as  its  adherents  number  little  over  half  a 
million,  it  plays  but  a  small  part  in  the  re- 
ligious life  of  the  nation.  In  no  country  has 
religion  so  entirely  ceased  to  receive  official 
recognition. 

Since  the  termination  of  the  prolonged 
struggle  with  the  Church  the  attention  of 
French  statesmen  has  been  mainly  directed 
to  labour  problems.  The  Commune  brought 
suspicion  on  every  kind  of  Socialism,  and  it 
was  not  till  the  banished  leaders  returned 
after  the  amnesty  of  1879  that  it  began  to 
raise  its  head.  For  a  time  its  leader  was 
Jules  Guesde,  an  orthodox  Marxist;  but 
before  long  Benoit  Malon,  Brousse,  and 


52  HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

Allemane  declared  that  more  was  to  be 
hoped  from  piece-meal  reform  than  from  a 
frontal  attack  on  society.  They  stood  for 
what  was  possible,  and  the  "  Possibilists " 
broke  off  from  the  intransigeants.  Trade 
Unions  were  legalised  in  1884,  and  a  rap- 
prochement between  Radicals  and  moderate 
Collectivists  was  vigorously  urged  by  Jaures 
and  Millerand,  two  bourgeois  converts  to 
Socialism.  In  the  election  of  1893  fifty 
Socialists  were  returned,  and  the  Socialist 
vote  again  increased  at  the  election  of  1898. 
The  entry  of  Millerand  into  a  "bourgeois" 
Cabinet  in  1899  incensed  the  party  of  Guesde, 
and  the  new  Minister  was  denounced  as  a 
renegade.  Undeterred  by  these  attacks,  the 
main  body  of  Socialist  deputies,  brilliantly 
marshalled  by  Jaures,  formed  an  essential 
part  of  the  bloc  to  which  France  owed  her 
restoration  to  health  and  strength.  The 
alliance  became  more  intimate  under  Combes, 
and  when  Clemenceau  took  office  in  1906  he 
appointed  a  Socialist,  Viviani,  to  the  newly- 
created  Ministry  of  Labour.  But  the  rela- 
tions between  the  Radicals  and  Socialists  now 
began  to  show  signs  of  strain.  The  attack  on 
the  Church  which  had  brought  them  together 
was  over,  and  the  leader  of  the  Left  disap- 
pointed the  hopes  aroused  by  his  accession 
to  office.  Social  legislation  was  neglected, 
strikes  were  quelled  with  extreme  severity, 


THE  FRENCH  REPUBLIC  53 

and  the  Prime  Minister  lost  no  opportunity 
of  emphasising  his  contempt  for  Socialism. 

The  main  reason,  however,  for  the  disin- 
tegration of  the  bloc  was  less  the  personality 
of  Clemenceau  than  the  emergence  of  revo- 
lutionary types  of  thought  in  labour  circles. 
On  the  one  hand,  a  section  of  Socialist 
opinion  extended  its  support  to  the  extreme 
pacifism  of  Herve,  who  advised  a  military 
strike  in  case  of  war.  On  the  other,  the 
General  Confederation  of  Labour,  founded 
in  1896,  developed  into  a  body  frankly  con- 
temptuous of  parliamentary  and  constitu- 
tional action.  A  strike  in  which  the  capital 
was  deprived  of  electric  light  was  organised 
by  the  Confederation.  The  growing  power 
and  audacity  of  "Syndicalism"  alarmed 
the  middle  classes,  and  when  the  Prime 
Minister  hit  back  he  was  warmly  supported 
by  the  bulk  of  public  opinion.  Though  the 
constitutional  Socialists  as  a  body  never 
identified  themselves  with  these  extreme 
schools  of  thought,  they  condemned  the  sen- 
tences passed  upon  their  spokesmen.  When 
the  championship  of  the  bourgeoisie  became 
one  of  the  main  tasks  of  the  Ministry,  both 
sides  realised  that  the  bloc  was  at  an  end. 

By  an  irony  of  fate  the  relations  of  the 
parties  became  still  more  hostile  when  the 
first  Socialist  Premier  succeeded  Clemenceau 
in  1909.  In  his  hot  youth  Briand  had  advo- 


54  HISTORY  OF  OUB  TIME 

cated  the  general  strike;  but  he  had  long 
been  a  convinced  "Possibilist."  The  new 
Minister  quickly  announced  his  desire  for  a 
policy  of  "appeasement,"  and  hinted  that 
the  dangers  which  had  rendered  the  bloc 
necessary  had  passed  away.  His  utterances 
aroused  the  lively  suspicion  of  the  Extreme 
Left;  and  open  war  was  declared  in  1910 
when  a  serious  strike,  accompanied  by 
sabotage,  broke  out  on  the  railways.  The 
Prime  Minister  affected  to  treat  it  as  an  out- 
burst of  anarchy,  and  quelled  it  by  calling 
out  the  strikers  in  their  capacity  of  reservists. 
His  colleagues  accepted  responsibility  for  the 
step,  but  some  of  them,  including  Millerand 
and  Viviani,  were  unable  to  agree  to  the 
legal  prohibition  of  railway  strikes  which  the 
Premier  demanded.  Their  resignations  mark 
the  end  of  the  period  of  Socialist  influence  in 
ministerial  policy  which  began  in  1899. 
While  supporting  such  measures  as  Old  Age 
Pensions,  a  progressive  income  tax,  and  the 
State  purchase  of  railways,  and  while  ready 
to  rally  to  the  defence  of  secular  education 
and  republican  institutions,  their  attitude  in 
Parliament  has  changed  from  cordial  co- 
operation to  that  of  watchful  neutrality. 
They  hailed  the  fall  of  Briand  in  the  spring 
of  1911  with  delight,  and  welcomed  the 
formation  of  the  Monis  Ministry  as  checking 
the  recent  trend  towards  the  Right. 


THE  FRENCH  REPUBLIC  55 

The  Republic  is  now  so  strong  that  it  can 
at  need  dispense  with  Socialist  support.  The 
rapid  change  of  ministries  is  not,  as  on- 
lookers once  believed,  a  sign  of  political  in- 
stability, but  an  indication  that  the  real 
centre  of  power  is  in  the  Chamber.  The 
Royalist  vote  has  steadily  declined  since 
1885,  and  even  in  Brittany  the  existing  regime 
is  now  accepted  by  a  large  majority  of  the 
electors.  The  peace  and  prosperity  which  it 
has  brought  form  a  powerful  argument 
against  attempted  change.  The  Duke  of 
Orleans,  son  of  the  Comte  de  Paris  and 
great-grandson  of  Louis  Philippe,  has  neither 
achievements  nor  personality  to  reinforce  his 
claim.  The  Royalist  cause  has  received  a 
slight  accession  of  strength  by  the  conversion 
of  disillusioned  intellectuels  like  Paul  Bourget, 
who  seek  in  the  restoration  of  throne  and 
altar  a  bulwark  against  the  advancing  flood 
of  social  and  intellectual  anarchy.  On  the 
other  hand,  it  has  been  gravely  prejudiced  by 
the  unauthorised  antics  of  the  Camelots  du 
Roi,  who  advertise  their  contempt  for  the 
Republic  by  personal  outrages  on  its  high 
officials. 

The  prospects  of  Bonapartism  are  no 
brighter.  The  disasters  which  Louis  Napo- 
leon brought  on  his  country  were  too  fresh  to 
allow  his  party  to  raise  its  head  in  the  years 
when  the  Republic  was  a  tender  infant.  The 


56  HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

death  of  the  Prince  Imperial  in  the  Zulu 
campaign  in  1879  made  Prince  Napoleon, 
the  gifted  son  of  King  Jerome,  head  of  the 
family;  but  he  was  no  favourite  with  his 
party,  and  even  before  his  death  in  1891  his 
eldest  son,  Prince  Victor,  was  recognised  as 
the  head  of  the  Bonapartists.  Though  there 
has  been  an  extraordinary  revival  of  the  cult 
of  the  great  Emperor  during  the  last  twenty 
years  in  consequence  of  the  works  of  Masson, 
Vandal,  Houssaye,  and  other  historians,  a 
political  party  can  hardly  be  said  to  exist. 
The  sole  chance  of  a  third  Empire  lies  in  a 
war  or  in  the  adoption  of  the  "Nationalist" 
demand  for  a  plebiscitary  executive.  If  the 
Republic  remains  true  to  itself  it  has  nothing 
to  fear  from  its  enemies. 


CHAPTER 

THE   LATIN   SOUTH 

I 

THE  group  of  statesmen  who  had  co- 
operated with  Cavour  in  the  unification  of 
Italy  governed  the  new  kingdom  till  the  fall 
of  Minghetti  in  1876.  High  hopes  were  built 
on  the  triumph  of  the  Left;  but  the  new 
pilots  quickly  showed  themselves  to  be  no 
more  skilful  than  the  old.  Their  chief,  De- 
pretis,  who  held  office  almost  continuously 
for  a  decade,  though  personally  incorrupt, 
well  knew  how  to  play  on  human  weakness, 
and  by  his  practice  of  drawing  ministers 
from  every  party  reduced  politics  to  a  game 
of  skill.  Elementary  education  was  made 
compulsory,  though  without  machinery  to 
enforce  attendance  or  money  to  pay  for  it, 
and  the  franchise  was  extended;  but  the 
later  years  of  his  rule  were  marked  by  grow- 
ing inertia  and  rising  discontent.  The  coun- 
try became  weary  of  a  minister  who  lacked 
conviction  and  initiative,  and  when  he  died 

57 


58  HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

in  1887  the  accession  of  Crispi  to  office  was 
hailed  with  delight. 

The  new  Premier  was  68  years  old.  He 
had  begun  life  as  a  Republican  and  had 
taken  part  in  the  revolt  of  his  native  Sicily  in 
1848.  He  was  one  of  The  Thousand  who 
landed  at  Marsala,  and  it  was  to  him  more 
than  to  any  man  except  Garibaldi  that  the 
liberation  of  the  island  was  due.  After 
the  dramatic  events  of  1860  he  accepted  the 
Monarchy  and  entered  Parliament.  When 
the  Right  fell  in  1876  he  became  successively 
President  of  the  Chamber  and  Minister  of 
the  Interior.  The  Court  accepted  him  with 
a  bad  grace.  Cavour  and  Victor  Emanuel 
had  detested  him,  and  Humbert  liked  him 
little  better.  An  unsuitable  marriage  cut 
him  off  from  society,  and  his  manner  was 
brusque  and  arrogant.  His  accession  to 
office  revealed  in  their  full  extent  both  his 
ability  and  his  defects.  After  the  flabby 
administration  of  Depretis  the  country  was 
glad  to  feel  a  firm  hand  on  the  reins.  On 
the  other  hand,  he  proved  to  be  both  rash 
and  variable.  His  temper  became  intolerable 
under  pressure  of  work,  for  he  was  Foreign 
Secretary  as  well  as  Minister  of  the  Interior 
and  Premier.  He  began  to  be  regarded  as 
a  danger  to  the  country,  and  his  lack  of  tact 
and  contempt  for  the  arts  of  parliamentary 
management  led  to  his  overthrow  in  1891. 


ITALY  59 

Yet  within  three  years  an  insurrection  among 
the  Sicilian  peasantry  and  the  critical  state 
of  the  finances  led  to  an  irresistible  demand 
for  his  recall. 

Crispi's  second  Administration  forms  a 
landmark  in  the  history  of  modern  Italy. 
Soon  after  the  savage  repression  of  the  dis- 
orders in  Sicily,  it  was  announced  that  the 
Premier  and  his  colleagues  had  received 
money  from  the  Bank  of  Rome  for  the  cor- 
ruption of  the  press  and  the  electorate. 
Crispi  at  once  dissolved  Parliament  and 
secured  a  sweeping  majority  by  striking 
thousands  of  his  opponents  off  the  electoral 
list  and  aiding  the  Government  candidates 
by  a  display  of  force.  Backed  by  a  large  and 
docile  majority,  and  at  last  enjoying  the 
complete  confidence  of  the  King,  Crispi's 
position  appeared  thoroughly  secure.  Two 
years  later  the  most  powerful  Minister  since 
Cavour  had  wrecked  his  ministry  and  ter- 
minated his  public  career. 

During  the  decade  that  succeeded  unifica- 
tion Italy  had  wisely  devoted  her  energies  to 
domestic  problems;  but  on  entering  the 
Triple  Alliance  in  1882  it  began  to  be  felt 
that  she  ought  to  become  a  Great  Power. 
Plans  for  a  commercial  settlement  in  Abys- 
sinia had  been  discussed  in  the  lifetime  of 
Cavour;  but  it  was  not  till  1882  that  Depretis 
bought  a  small  strip  of  coast  on  the  Red  Sea 


60  HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

from  a  Genoese  Company.  Three  years  later 
troops  were  sent  to  Massowa,  a  port  in  Abys- 
sinia, though  it  was  declared  to  be  merely 
a  commercial  settlement.  In  1887  an  advance 
into  the  interior  was  commenced  on  the  pre- 
text of  finding  healthy  quarters  for  the 
troops  among  the  hills.  The  Abyssinians, 
who  had  been  ready  to  concede  trading 
facilities,  began  to  suspect  designs  on  their 
independence.  The  Negus  John  demanded 
a  withdrawal  to  the  coast.  The  demand 
was  refused,  and  a  column  of  500  men  was 
cut  to  pieces  at  Dogali.  At  this  moment 
the  scene  changed.  John  was  killed  in 
battle  by  the  Dervishes,  and  his  successor, 
Menelik,  mounted  the  throne  by  Italian  aid. 
The  new  ruler  signed  a  treaty  which  the 
Italian  Government  understood  to  recognise 
a  Protectorate  over  the  whole  of  Abyssinia. 
In  1894  Italian  troops  repulsed  a  Dervish 
attack  and  occupied  Kassala.  Menelik  was 
now  firmly  on  the  throne,  and,  perhaps 
encouraged  by  France  and  Russia,  repudi- 
ated all  idea  of  a  Protectorate.  Crispi  re- 
plied by  ordering  the  occupation  of  Adowa, 
the  capital  of  one  of  the  feudatory  States, 
and  demanding  a  categorical  recognition  of 
the  Italian  claim.  Several  small  victories 
were  won,  but,  while  reinforcements  were  on 
the  way,  General  Baratieri  with  14,000  men 
attacked  an  army  of  80,000  and  lost  a  third 


ITALY  61 

of  his  troops.  The  King  and  his  Minister 
desired  to  continue  the  campaign;  but  the 
nation  passed  from  exultation  to  depression. 
Enough  blood  and  money  had  been  spent. 
The  claim  to  a  Protectorate  was  abandoned, 
Crispi  resigned,  and  the  ill-starred  experi- 
ment in  aggressive  Imperialism  was  at  an  end. 
The  disaster  of  Adowa  was  a  blessing  in 
disguise.  Italy  needed  all  her  energies  to 
set  her  own  house  in  order.  The  high 
prices  and  crushing  taxation  intensified  the 
discouragement,  and  the  people  began  to 
lose  faith  in  their  rulers.  The  crisis  came 
in  1898,  when  riots  broke  out  in  the  great 
cities.  For  three  days  Milan  was  the  scene 
of  civil  war,  and  the  triumph  of  the  troops 
was  followed  by  savage  repression.  A  panic 
seized  on  the  propertied  classes.  General 
Pelloux  introduced  drastic  bills  relating  to 
public  meetings  and  associations,  and  when 
they  were  obstructed  by  the  Left  he  issued 
them  as  ordinances  by  royal  decree.  The 
Supreme  Court  in  Rome  courageously  de- 
clared them  invalid,  and,  after  a  further 
attempt  to  pass  the  bills,  the  Premier  dis- 
solved Parliament  in  1900.  In  the  Latin 
South  the  Government  always  obtains  a 
majority;  but  industrial  Italy  was  hostile, 
the  Left  returned  with  increased  strength, 
and  Pelloux  resigned.  A  few  days  later 
King  Humbert  was  assassinated. 


62  HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

The  death  of  the  King  and  the  resignation 
of  Pelloux  brought  to  a  close  the  mournful 
period  which  began  with  the  Abyssinian 
disasters.  Humbert  possessed  the  courage 
of  his  race;  but  he  lacked  political  insight, 
and  during  his  later  years  he  was  captured 
by  reactionary  militarism.  The  new  King, 
Victor  Emanuel,  belonged  to  a  type  totally 
different  from  his  father  and  grandfather. 
A  man  of  lofty  character  and  scholarly  in- 
terests, he  had  studied  the  social  problems  of 
which  Humbert  knew  nothing  and  was  wholly 
free  from  the  craving  for  adventure  which 
had  led  Italy  to  overtax  her  strength.  He 
realised  that  the  discontent  which  had  led 
to  the  crisis  of  1898  could  only  be  cured  by 
efficient  government  and  fearless  reform,  and 
at  once  called  the  veteran  Radical  leader, 
Zanardelli,  to  office.  Since  his  accession  the 
fortunes  of  Italy  have  steadily  improved. 
The  termination  of  the  tariff  war  with  France 
in  1898  assisted  the  revival  of  trade,  the 
production  of  silk  and  other  staple  industries 
rapidly  increased,  the  financial  credit  of  the 
country  was  restored,  one  surplus  followed 
another,  and  Luzzatti's  conversion  of  the 
National  Debt  in  1906  lightened  the  burden 
of  taxation.  The  octroi  on  corn  and  flour 
was  abolished,  and  the  grants  to  education 
increased.  On  the  other  hand,  successive 
Ministries  have  been  confronted  by  inces- 


ITALY  63 

sant  labour  troubles.  One  of  the  features  of 
the  milder  regime  which  began  with  the  new 
reign  was  the  toleration  of  strikes  if  legally 
conducted.  Advantage  was  taken  of  the 
permission,  and  strikes  abounded.  In  1904 
a  general  strike,  accompanied  by  the  destruc- 
tion of  property  and  the  cutting  of  railways, 
caused  a  revulsion  of  feeling.  Parliament 
was  dissolved  by  Giolitti,  who  had  succeeded 
Zanardelli,  and  the  parties  of  the  Extreme 
Left  were  routed. 

In  addition  to  attempting  to  smooth  the 
relations  of  employers  and  employed,  Italian 
statesmen  have  been  confronted  with  an  in- 
dustrial problem  which  directly  concerned  the 
State.  The  railways  have  always  possessed 
a  bad  reputation,  and  when  the  concessions 
of  the  private  companies  expired  in  1905 
an  irresistible  demand  arose  for  their  pur- 
chase. The  transfer  was  effected,  and  large 
sums  were  spent  on  improving  the  plant 
and  increasing  the  pay  of  the  employes; 
but  the  defects  of  the  old  management  were 
so  inveterate  that  for  a  time  the  adminis- 
trative chaos  was  increased  rather  than 
diminished.  That  Italy  is  poorly  supplied 
with  brains  capable  of  grappling  with  com- 
plex administrative  tasks  was  again  re- 
vealed by  the  unskilful  handling  of  the 
problem  of  relief  after  the  earthquake  of 
1908. 


64  HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

The  new  reign  has  witnessed  an  advance 
in  another  direction.  Though  the  claim  to 
Temporal  Power  has  never  been  surrendered, 
the  old  bitterness  between  the  Papacy  and 
the  House  of  Savoy  is  gradually  disappear- 
ing. At  the  outset  of  his  pontificate  Pius  X 
allowed  the  Archbishop  of  Bologna  to  wel- 
come the  King  on  his  visit  to  the  city,  and 
to  sit  on  his  right  hand  at  the  reception 
banquet.  Italy  has  been  substituted  for 
France  as  the  Protector  of  the  Eastern 
Catholics.  Though  in  theory  abstaining 
from  active  politics,  faithful  sons  of  the 
Church  have  been  permitted,  and  even  en- 
couraged, to  take  part  in  warring  against 
Socialists  and  anti-clericals.  It  may  still  be 
long  before  a  bridge  is  built  from  the  Vatican 
to  the  Quirinal;  but  the  movement  is  in  the 
direction  of  compromise. 

Though  the  balance-sheet  of  the  last 
decade  compares  favourably  with  the  era  of 
Crispi  and  Humbert,  there  is  still  no  ground 
for  exaggerated  optimism.  The  South  re- 
mains a  running  sore — poverty-stricken,  ig- 
norant, superstitious,  corrupt.  That  the 
Camorra  is  not  yet  extinct  has  been  revealed 
by  the  prolonged  trial  at  Viterbo.  The  earth- 
quake which  annihilated  Messina  and  the 
villages  of  the  Calabrian  coast  displayed  the 
helplessness  as  well  as  the  misery  of  the 
population.  The  reforms  brought  forward  by 


ITALY  65 

the  Conservative  leader,  Sonnino,  during  his 
short  Ministry  of  1906,  were  applied  in  an 
emasculated  form  when  Giolitti  returned  to 
power.  The  land-tax  was  reduced,  tariff  ex- 
emptions were  granted  to  infant  industries, 
communications  were  improved,  and  new 
schools  were  opened.  But  the  problem  is  so 
vast  that  improvement  is  at  present  scarcely 
perceptible.  Another  burden  inherited  by 
United  Italy  is  the  enormous  National  Debt, 
the  interest  on  which  amounts  to  a  third  of 
the  annual  expenditure  of  the  State.  In  the 
next  place,  public  life  is  still  corroded  with 
corruption.  How  little  confidence  is  felt  in 
the  integrity  of  Parliament  was  revealed 
in  the  excitement  that  attended  the  revision 
of  the  shipping  subsidies.  Finally,  Italian 
politics  are  sterilised  by  the  obliteration  of 
party  distinctions  and  the  tendency  to  fissure 
within  the  ranks  of  the  separate  groups.  It 
is  above  all  his  skill  in  the  parliamentary 
game  that  has  made  the  Liberal  leader, 
Giolitti,  the  principal  figure  in  Italian  politics 
since  the  fall  of  Crispi,  and  perpetually  brings 
him  back  to  power  when  less  practised  per- 
formers have  been  hissed  off  the  stage. 

II 

The  recent  history  of  Spain  is  the  record 
of  a  slow  recovery  from  the  condition  of 


66  HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

anarchy  which  prevailed  during  the  middle 
decades  of  the  century.  The  six  years  of 
confusion  which  followed  the  expulsion  of 
Isabella  in  1868  convinced  the  majority  of 
Spaniards  that  the  restoration  of  the  Bourbon 
monarchy  was  inevitable.  Nobody  suggested 
the  recall  of  the  Queen;  but  at  the  end  of 
1874  her  son,  Alfonso,  a  lad  of  seventeen,  on 
the  advice  of  Canovas,  the  leader  of  his 
friends  in  Spain,  issued  a  proclamation  prom- 
ising amnesty  and  constitutional  government. 
The  response  was  immediate.  The  army  pro- 
claimed him,  the  Monarchists  welcomed  him, 
the  Republicans  accepted  him.  The  young 
King  was  popular  and  sympathetic,  though 
the  moral  atmosphere  of  his  Court  was  no 
purer  than  that  of  his  mother.  The  Con- 
servatives under  Canovas  and  the  Liberals 
under  Sagasta  alternately  held  office,  accord- 
ing to  the  system  of  pre-arranged  rotation 
which  flourishes  in  the  Peninsula.  The  level 
of  public  life  was  low,  but  the  country  was 
tired  of  pronunciamentos  and  was  grateful  for 
a  period  of  peaceful  recuperation.  In  1883 
the  Pope  declared  his  will  that  Don  Carlos 
should  receive  no  support  from  the  clergy. 

Alfonso  XII  died  of  consumption  in 
November  1885,  leaving  two  daughters;  but 
it  was  known  that  Queen  Christina,  an  Aus- 
trian princess,  was  expecting  the  birth  of 
another  child.  Six  months  later  a  son  was 


SPAIN  67 

born.  The  birth  of  Alfonso  XIII  and  the 
devotion  of  his  mother  appealed  to  the 
chivalry  of  the  nation.  When  the  young 
King  recovered  from  a  terrible  illness  in 
1890  Castelar,  the  veteran  Republican,  con- 
gratulated his  mother  and  declared  that  he 
regarded  Alfonso  as  doubly  King,  by  law 
and  by  miracle. 

Domestic  politics  during  the  minority 
were  uneventful,  and  universal  suffrage  was 
quietly  restored  by  Sagasta  in  1890.  But 
Spain  was  confronted  with  a  problem  of  over- 
whelming difficulty  in  her  over-sea  dominions. 
Though  the  vast  fabric  of  Empire  that  she 
had  established  in  the  sixteenth  century  had 
gradually  crumbled  away,  she  held  tena- 
ciously to  the  fragments.  Of  these  the 
richest  and  most  important  was  Cuba.  On 
the  news  of  the  expulsion  of  Isabella,  a  rising 
had  taken  place  which  smouldered  on  till 
1878,  when  Martinez  Campos,  the  Spanish 
commander,  signed  a  convention  promising 
liberal  concessions.  The  convention  was  re- 
pudiated at  Madrid,  and  a  second  rising 
broke  out  and  was  ruthlessly  suppressed.  If 
ever  a  country  deserved  to  lose  its  colonies, 
it  was  Spain.  The  last  act  in  the  long  drama 
began  with  a  new  and  more  formidable  re- 
volt in  1895.  Martinez  Campos,  whose  name 
was  the  symbol  of  conciliation,  was  sent  out 
with  an  olive  branch.  The  Cubans  had 


es  HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

learnt  to  be  suspicious  of  promises,  and  the 
General  reported  that  the  authority  of  Spain 
could  only  be  restored  by  barbarous  methods 
which  he  refused  to  employ.  He  was  recalled 
in  1896  and  succeeded  by  Weyler,  already 
known  as  "the  butcher,"  whose  policy  was  to 
starve  the  rebels  into  surrender  by  destroy- 
ing their  crops  and  houses  and  herding  the 
non-combatants  in  concentration  camps. 
Though  the  Spaniards  have  never  been 
squeamish  in  their  dealings  with  native  races, 
Weyler's  methods  were  too  much  for  them; 
and  when  Canovas  was  murdered  in  1897 
Sagasta  returned  to  power  resolved  to  bring 
the  desperate  struggle  to  an  end.  A  new 
commander  was  sent  out  with  an  officer  of 
autonomy,  the  reconcentrados  were  set  at 
liberty,  and  a  Parliament  was  summoned. 

It  was  too  late,  for  the  Cubans  insisted 
on  independence.  This  time  they  knew  that 
they  were  not  without  friends.  In  the  early 
days  of  1898  the  battleship  Maine  was  sent 
to  Havana  to  defend  American  interests;  but 
soon  after  her  arrival  she  was  blown  into  the 
air  by  a  mine.  The  catastrophe  cannot  have 
been  the  work  of  any  responsible  Spaniard, 
for  Spain  was  now  honestly  bent  on  concilia- 
tion. But  the  situation  had  passed  beyond 
the  control  of  statesmen.  A  resolution  was 
passed  at  Washington  declaring  the  Cubans 
free  and  independent,  and  Spain  was  peremp- 


SPAIN  60 

torily  commanded  to  withdraw  her  forces 
from  the  island.  To  such  a  demand  there 
could  only  be  one  response.  The  main  fleet 
was  sent  to  Cuba;  but  the  ships  were  foul, 
the  guns  obsolete  and  short  of  ammunition. 
When  they  entered  the  harbour  of  Santiago, 
an  American  squadron  took  up  its  station 
outside.  When  the  town  was  threatened 
from  the  land  the  fleet  made  a  dash  for 
liberty,  but  was  sunk  or  driven  ashore.  The 
other  Spanish  fleet  had  already  been  de- 
stroyed in  the  harbour  of  Manila,  the  capital 
of  the  Philippines.  Santiago  quickly  sur- 
rendered, preliminaries  of  peace  were  ar- 
ranged in  August,  and  a  treaty  was  signed 
in  Paris  at  the  end  of  the  year.  Spain  re- 
nounced her  possession  of  Cuba,  the  Philip- 
pines, and  Porto  Rico.  The  loss  of  her 
transmarine  empire  was  a  most  bitter  humil- 
iation; but  it  was  quickly  seen  to  be  a  bless- 
ing in  disguise.  For  many  years  the  colonies 
had  been  a  source  of  continual  expense,  and 
the  perpetual  conflict  in  Cuba  had  produced 
a  great  weariness.  When  the  first  pangs  of 
defeat  were  over,  a  determination  to  repair 
the  loss  by  internal  development  manifested 
itself.  Trade  and  commerce  steadily  in- 
creased, and  the  national  credit  improved. 
The  country  was  in  a  far  healthier  condition 
when  the  Regency  ended  in  1902  than  when 
it  began. 


70  HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

Alfonso  XIII  began  his  reign  at  the  age  of 
sixteen,  and  in  1906  married  Princess  Ena 
of  Battenberg.  The  English  marriage  was 
popular,  as  it  gave  Spain  a  powerful  friend 
and  pointed  in  the  direction  of  liberal  govern- 
ment. The  Regent  had  led  a  very  secluded 
life,  and  the  revival  of  the  normal  activities 
of  the  Court  was  welcomed  by  Spanish 
society.  The  courage  displayed  by  the  youth- 
ful sovereigns  on  their  wedding-day  evoked 
a  thrill  of  sympathy,  and  the  dynasty  has 
increased  its  hold  on  popular  feeling.  The 
young  King  has  escaped  the  criticism  often 
aimed  at  his  mother  of  being  too  much 
under  clerical  influence,  despite  the  fact  that 
after  the  fall  of  Sagasta  in  1898  the  Con- 
servatives, led  successively  by  Silvela  and 
Maura,  were  almost  continuously  in  office. 
After  the  death  of  the  veteran  Liberal 
leader,  none  of  his  lieutenants  commanded 
the  allegiance  of  the  whole  party;  but  in 
1909  two  events,  occurring  simultaneously, 
brought  the  long  period  of  Conservative 
domination  to  an  end. 

Though  Spain  lost  her  distant  possessions 
in  1898,  she  retained  some  stretches  of  the 
coast-line  of  Morocco.  Her  power  extended 
but  a  very  little  way  from  the  shore,  and 
when  iron  and  lead  were  discovered  near 
Melilla  and  a  railway  built  to  the  mines,  the 
tribes  revolted  and  some  workmen  were 


SPAIN  71 

massacred.  The  rebellion  developed  into  a 
war  which  required  the  dispatch  of  over 
40,000  troops.  The  casualties  were  con- 
siderable, and  heat  and  fever  did  their 
deadly  work.  The  expenditure  of  so  much 
blood  and  money  on  a  speculators'  war  was 
bitterly  resented,  and  heartrending  scenes 
were  witnessed  at  the  departure  of  the  con- 
scripts for  what  was  believed  to  be  almost 
certain  death.  While  the  misfortunes  of  the 
Melilla  campaign  were  undermining  the  posi- 
tion of  the  Maura  Government,  a  fierce  re- 
volt suddenly  broke  out  in  Barcelona.  The 
commercial  capital  of  Spain  has  never  loved 
Madrid,  and  the  demand  for  Catalonian 
autonomy  had  steadily  grown  in  strength. 
Moreover,  Barcelona  was  the  centre  of  the 
anti-clerical  propaganda  which  characterises 
the  growing  cities  of  the  Spanish  sea-board. 
A  riot  grew  out  of  the  departure  of  con- 
scripts for  Melilla,  and  for  several  days  the 
city  was  cut  off  from  the  outer  world.  Few 
lives  were  lost;  but  a  number  of  monasteries 
and  churches  were  sacked.  The  revolt  was 
quelled,  martial  law  was  proclaimed,  and 
Ferrer,  the  founder  of  a  network  of  popular 
schools  with  a  secularist  atmosphere,  was 
tried  by  court-martial  and  shot. 

The  execution  of  Ferrer,  nominally  in  con- 
sequence of  alleged  complicity  in  the  revolt 
of  Barcelona,  was  universally  regarded  as 


73  HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

due  to  the  animosity  of  the  Church.  It  was 
at  any  rate  a  blunder  as  well  as  a  crime. 
There  was  an  angry  explosion  of  anti-cleri- 
calism all  over  the  world,  and  the  prestige  of 
Spain  was  seriously  compromised.  When  the 
Chambers  met,  the  Government  was  fiercely 
assailed  by  the  parties  of  the  Left.  Maura 
resigned,  and  the  veteran  Liberal,  Moret, 
formed  a  Ministry.  Civil  rights  were  re- 
stored to  Catalonia,  and  the  campaign  in 
Morocco  was  concluded.  After  troublesome 
negotiations  a  treaty  was  signed  by  which 
Mulai  Hafid  agreed  to  pay  an  indemnity  for 
the  Riff  campaign,  recognised  the  right  of 
Spain  to  hold  for  seventy-five  years  the  terri- 
tory she  had  conquered,  and  entrusted  the 
policing  of  the  adjoining  districts  to  a 
Moroccan  force  under  Spanish  instructors. 

As  Moret  was  not  supported  by  the  full 
strength  of  the  party,  he  was  succeeded  in 
1910  by  Canalejas,  who,  on  the  death  of 
Sagasta,  had  become  the  leader  of  a  group 
of  independent  Radicals,  pledged  to  a  bolder 
handling  of  Church  questions  than  the  main 
Liberal  army  cared  to  adopt.  Clericalism 
had  overreached  itself  under  Maura's  rule, 
and  the  number  of  monks  and  nuns,  swollen 
by  refugees  from  the  Philippines  and  from 
France  and  exempt  from  nearly  all  taxation, 
was  recognised  in  almost  all  quarters  to  be 
excessive.  Many  of  them  resided  in  Spain 


SPAIN  78 

in  defiance  of  the  Concordat  of  1851,  limiting 
the  number  of  authorised  Orders  to  three. 
Canalejas  determined  to  put  the  statute  into 
operation,  and  at  the  same  time  prohibited 
the  establishment  of  new  religious  houses, 
ordered  their  registration,  and  repealed  the 
decree  of  1876  forbidding  the  appearance  of 
any  emblem  or  notification  on  Protestant 
places  of  worship.  Though  the  majority  of 
the  Conservative  party  supported  these 
proposals,  they  aroused  the  hysterical  op- 
position of  the  Church.  Vast  demonstra- 
tions and  counter-demonstrations  were  or- 
ganised throughout  the  country,  and  old 
and  new  Spain  were  brought  face  to  face. 
The  Vatican,  while  frankly  expressing  its 
dislike  of  the  Premier's  policy,  discounte- 
nanced the  resort  to  violence,  and  actual 
conflicts  were  avoided.  Neither  Pius  X 
nor  Canalejas  desires  an  open  rupture,  and 
the  prospects  of  compromise  on  the  limita- 
tion of  the  Orders  have  increased. 

Ill 

The  fortunes  of  Portugal  during  the  nine- 
teenth century  closely  resemble  those  of  her 
neighbour.  Both  countries  have  suffered 
from  a  disputed  succession,  civil  war,  greedy 
politicians,  and  financial  confusion.  Both 
countries  have  seen  over-sea  possessions  torn 


74  HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

from  them  by  conquest  or  revolution.  After 
half  a  century  of  almost  ceaseless  confusion 
Portugal  entered  on  a  period  of  comparative 
tranquillity  under  Luiz,  who  ascended  the 
throne  in  1861.  The  aged  Saldanha  forced 
himself  on  the  King  in  1870,  but  his  quasi- 
dictatorship  only  lasted  a  few  months.  With 
the  accession  of  Carlos  in  1889  a  reign  began 
which  witnessed  numerous  vicissitudes  and 
ended  in  tragedy.  The  decline  and  fall  of 
the  House  of  Braganza,  though  mainly  due 
to  the  faults  of  its  members,  was  precipitated 
by  events  for  which  it  had  no  responsibility. 
A  few  weeks  after  the  new  King  came  to 
the  throne  a  revolution  in  Brazil  overthrew 
the  Emperor  Pedro  II,  and  established  a 
Republic.  Though  the  colony  had  declared 
its  independence  in  1822,  it  had  continued  to 
be  governed  by  members  of  the  Royal  House. 
The  blow  struck  in  Rio  was  felt  in  Lisbon, 
and  the  small  Republican  party  was  spurred 
to  further  efforts. 

In  the  following  year  the  Monarchy 
suffered  a  still  more  serious  rebuff.  During 
the  heroic  age  when  Portugal  founded  an 
empire  in  the  East  she  had  established 
fortified  stations  in  Africa  where  her  fleets 
might  be  repaired  and  provisioned.  When 
the  empire  faded  away,  the  African  posses- 
sions remained  as  mute  witnesses  of  a  glorious 
past.  With  the  partition  of  Africa  in  the 


PORTUGAL  75 

last  quarter  of  the  nineteenth  century  they 
again  became  of  potential  importance,  and 
the  Portuguese  Government  claimed  enor- 
mous areas  of  territory  in  the  neighbourhood 
of  their  settlements.  An  award  by  Mac- 
mahon  in  1875,  deciding  that  Delagoa  Bay 
belonged  to  Portugal  not  to  Great  Britain, 
stimulated  her  ambition.  At  the  moment 
when  the  British  South  Africa  Company  was 
preparing  its  plans,  Portugal  claimed  a  broad 
belt  of  land  right  across  the  continent,  and  in 
1889  sent  a  large  force  under  Major  Pinto 
into  the  territory  between  the  Zambesi  and 
Lake  Nyassa.  The  British  Government  pro- 
tested, and  in  1890,  after  fruitless  negotia- 
tions, dispatched  an  ultimatum.  Resistance 
was  out  of  the  question;  but  the  public 
humiliation  of  a  people  that  gloried  in  the 
epic  stanzas  of  Camoens  was  passionately  re- 
sented. Major  Pinto  became  the  hero  of  the 
hour,  and  a  scapegoat  was  found  in  the  King, 
who  was  accused  of  sacrificing  his  country  to 
his  Anglophile  sympathies.  When  a  British 
squadron  visited  the  capital  the  tradesmen 
shut  their  shops,  and  Carlos  was  compelled  to 
refuse  the  Garter  offered  by  Queen  Victoria. 
The  revolution  in  Brazil  and  the  British 
ultimatum  so  weakened  the  prestige  of  the 
Monarchy  that  the  Republicans  were  em- 
boldened to  attempt  its  overthrow.  A  rising 
took  place  in  Oporto  in  1891;  but  the  citizens 


76  HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

of  the  second  city  in  the  kingdom  stood 
aloof.  Hundreds  of  conspirators  were  de- 
ported, the  press  was  gagged,  and  an  era 
of  repression  began.  The  people  had  little 
sympathy  with  the  Republicans;  but  they 
resented  the  suppression  of  their  liberties, 
and  the  unpopularity  of  the  King  was 
intensified. 

The  thrilling  events  of  the  opening  years 
of  the  reign  were  followed  by  a  period  of 
outward  tranquillity;  but  the  decline  of 
the  country  continued  at  a  rapid  rate.  The 
State  was  plundered  by  the  Regeneradores 
and  the  Progressistas,  who  succeeded  one 
another  in  office  according  to  the  approved 
principles  of  rotativism.  The  machine  of 
government  was  hopelessly  clogged  with 
corruption.  Despite  heavy  and  increasing 
taxation,  every  year  witnessed  a  fresh  deficit. 
In  1892  it  was  impossible  to  meet  the  interest 
on  the  external  debt.  Long  negotiations 
took  place  with  the  Council  of  Foreign 
Bondholders,  and  a  special  board  was  set 
up  in  Lisbon  to  supervise  their  interests. 
Some  useful  Acts  were  passed,  but  they  were 
rarely  put  into  execution.  Factory  Acts 
remained  a  dead  letter.  Elementary  educa- 
tion was  made  compulsory,  but  attendance 
was  not  enforced.  The  framework  of  the 
Constitution  was  rendered  more  democratic. 
Provision  was  made  for  the  eventual  extinc- 


PORTUGAL  77 

tion  of  hereditary  peers,  and  in  1901  adult 
male  suffrage,  subject  to  the  payment  of  a 
trifling  sum  in  taxation  and  ability  to  read 
and  write,  was  introduced.  But  the  control 
of  the  people  over  the  Government  was  in 
no  way  increased  by  these  changes.  The 
Crown  retained  its  power  to  veto  legislation 
and  to  issue  decrees,  and  elections  continued 
to  yield  whatever  result  the  Government 
of  the  day  desired. 

In  1906  Portuguese  politics  entered  on  a 
new  phase  when  the  King  invited  Franco  to 
form  an  independent  Ministry.  His  wealth 
diminished  the  temptation  to  dip  his  hands 
into  the  Treasury,  and  his  private  and  politi- 
cal records  were  unblemished.  Had  he  kept 
his  promise  of  an  honest  and  efficient  admin- 
istration, the  country  might  have  acquiesced 
in  the  temporary  suspension  of  constitutional 
forms.  A  few  economies  were  effected  and 
a  number  of  sinecures  were  abolished;  but 
the  pay  of  the  army  and  the  civil  list  were 
increased.  Though  his  wife,  Amelia,  a 
daughter  of  the  Comte  de  Paris,  brought  an 
ample  dowry,  the  King's  extravagant  tastes 
made  it  impossible  to  live  within  the  limits 
of  his  income,  and  large  sums  of  public 
money  had  been  advanced  to  the  royal 
family.  His  debt  to  the  State  was  assessed 
at  £150,000,  which  the  Minister  pretended 
to  discharge  by  the  surrender  of  a  royal 


78  HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

yacht  and  the  capitalisation  of  the  rent 
paid  by  the  State  for  the  use  of  certain  royal 
castles.  Before  Franco  had  been  many 
months  in  office  he  had  succeeded  in  setting 
the  whole  country  against  himself  and  his 
master.  As  the  opposition  developed  the 
King  allowed  him  to  assume  the  powers 
of  a  dictator.  The  Cortes  were  dissolved 
in  1907,  and  the  Minister  announced  that 
he  would  rule  without  them.  Newspapers 
were  suppressed,  meetings  prohibited,  and 
critics  of  the  Government  imprisoned  or 
banished.  Municipal  councils  were  suspended 
on  the  ground  of  disaffection  and  their  work 
performed  by  nominees.  Political  and  civil 
liberty  disappeared,  and  the  world  looked 
on,  wondering  when  the  crash  would  come. 
In  January  1908,  the  royal  family  left 
the  capital  for  one  of  their  palaces  in  the 
country.  The  situation  in  Lisbon  was  known 
to  be  critical,  and  some  small  skirmishes 
took  place  with  the  police.  At  the  end  of 
the  month  Franco  announced  that  he  had 
discovered  a  conspiracy,  and  on  January  31 
he  issued  a  decree  empowering  the  Govern- 
ment to  imprison  or  expel  suspects  v.ithout 
form  of  law.  On  the  following  day  the 
royal  family  returned,  and  while  driving 
from  the  landing-stage  to  the  palace  were 
attacked  by  a  band  of  men  who  sprang  out 
from  an  arcade.  The  King  and  the  Crown 


PORTUGAL  79 

Prince  were  killed  on  the  spot,  Prince  Manuel 
was  slightly  wounded,  and  the  Queen  escaped 
as  if  by  a  miracle  from  the  hail  of  bullets. 
The  mad  experiment  of  Personal  Govern- 
ment had  failed,  as  it  deserved  to  fail.  The 
King  was  dead  and  the  monarchy  itself 
was  mortally  stricken.  Franco  fled  across 
the  frontier,  his  illegal  decrees  were  annulled, 
and  a  coalition  Ministry  was  formed.  For 
a  moment  it  was  hoped  that  the  sounder 
elements  of  the  nation  might  rally  round 
the  youthful  King  and  inaugurate  a  better 
era;  but  the  habits  of  generations  were  too 
deeply  ingrained  to  be  shaken  off.  King 
Manuel  was  only  eighteen  years  old  and 
lacked  personality.  No  real  attempt  was 
made  to  discover  the  authors  or  instigators 
of  the  crime  in  Black  Horse  Square,  and  the 
ship  of  State  drifted  rudderless  towards 
the  rapids. 

While  the  dynastic  parties  were  engaged 
in  sterile  conflicts  and  incessant  ministerial 
crises,  the  Republicans  were  slowly  maturing 
their  plans.  When  the  blow  fell  in  October 
1910,  the  throne  toppled  over  in  a  night. 
A  republic  was  proclaimed,  the  palace  was 
bombarded  by  rebel  ships  in  the  Tagus, 
the  King  fled  from  the  capital,  and  after  a 
few  hours'  desultory  fighting  in  the  streets 
the  Royalist  troops  were  defeated  or  joined 
the  winning  side.  A  Provisional  Government 


80  HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

was  formed,  and  the  provinces  and  the  colo- 
nies accepted  the  revolution  with  alacrity. 
The  disappearance  of  the  House  of  Braganza 
was  witnessed  without  a  protest  and  without 
a  sigh.  The  members  of  the  new  Govern- 
ment were  able,  honourable,  and  enlightened 
men;  but  they  lacked  experience.  The 
President,  Professor  Braga,  was  a  scholar 
and  poet  of  European  reputation.  The 
Foreign  Minister,  Machado,  had  lived  in 
Paris,  and  was  known  for  his  wide  culture 
and  sympathetic  personality.  The  Minister 
of  Justice,  Costa,  was  a  lawyer  of  extreme 
opinions  and  iron  will.  Their  ideal  was 
a  purely  secular  democracy.  The  monarchy 
was  gone,  and  they  were  resolved  that  its 
allies,  the  Church  and  the  Orders,  which  had 
stunted  the  intellect  of  the  people,  should 
follow  it.  The  Republic  could  tolerate  obscur- 
antism as  little  as  despotism.  Within  a 
few  days  of  the  revolution  they  roughly 
expelled  the  Jesuits  and  other  Orders  on  the 
strength  of  obsolete  laws,  and  announced 
their  intention  of  terminating  the  connection 
of  Church  and  State. 

A  dead  calm  followed  the  whirlwind  of 
revolution;  but  it  was  not  long  before  the 
waters  again  began  to  stir.  The  working 
classes,  finding  that  the  change  had  brought 
them  no  tangible  benefits,  lost  their  enthu- 
siasm and  broke  into  strikes.  The  Pretender, 


PORTUGAL  81 

Dom  Miguel,  announced  that  as  Manuel  had 
been  deposed  and  was  unlikely  to  return,  he 
held  himself  ready  to  accept  a  call  to  the 
throne.  To  these  anxieties  were  added  others 
of  the  Government's  own  making.  Their 
treatment  of  the  Church  was  needlessly  pro- 
vocative, and  the  banishment  of  the  judges 
who  acquitted  the  ex-dictator,  Franco,  on  a 
charge  of  treason  recalled  the  worst  days  of 
the  Monarchy.  The  press  was  gagged,  and 
the  expression  of  any  but  Republican  opin- 
ions vigorously  repressed.  The  postpone- 
ment of  the  elections  till  June  1911  gave 
time  for  discontent  to  accumulate.  For  the 
present  the  main  strength  of  the  Republic  lies 
in  the  weakness  of  its  opponents. 


CHAPTER  IV 

GERMANY   AND   AUSTRIA-HUNGARY 

I 

THE  main  events  in  the  history  of  Germany 
during  the  years  following  unification  were 
the  struggle  with  the  Roman  Church,  the 
rise  of  a  Socialist  party,  the  establishment 
of  Protection  in  1879,  the  nationalisation  of 
railways,  the  inauguration  of  State-aided 
insurance  against  sickness,  accident,  inval- 
idity and  old  age,  and  the  foundation  of  a 
Colonial  Empire.  Modestly  realising  his  own 
limitations  and  the  almost  superhuman  gen- 
ius of  his  mighty  Chancellor,  the  Emperor 
William  devoted  the  evening  of  his  life  to  the 
supervision  of  his  army.  It  was  a  fitting  close 
to  his  career  that  in  the  year  before  his  death 
a  large  increase  in  the  forces  should  be  sanc- 
tioned by  the  Reichstag  after  an  appeal  to 
the  country. 

In  March  1888,  William  I  died  at  the  age 
of  ninety;  but  his  son  was  already  doomed 
when  he  ascended  the  throne  at  the  age  of 


GERMANY  83 

fifty-eight.  The  Crown  Prince  Frederick  had 
won  fame  in  the  campaigns  which  made  the 
Empire,  but  since  1871  he  had  fretted  in 
enforced  idleness.  A  disease  in  the  throat, 
which  the  German  doctors  pronounced  to  be 
cancer,  appeared  early  in  1887;  but  the 
operation  which  might  have  prolonged  the 
sufferer's  life  was  postponed  till  it  was  too 
late  on  the  advice  of  Sir  Morell  Mackenzie. 
The  stricken  man  passed  the  winter  on  the 
Riviera,  and  when  he  ascended  the  throne 
he  could  no  longer  articulate.  He  had  only 
ninety -nine  days  to  live;  but  they  were 
enough  to  indicate  the  direction  in  which  his 
thoughts  were  running.  He  conferred  high 
decorations  on  Jews  who  had  rendered  dis- 
tinguished service  to  the  State,  and  on  Vir- 
chow,  who  was  not  only  a  great  scientist  but 
a  leader  of  the  Radical  party.  Of  greater 
importance  was  the  dismissal  of  Puttkammer, 
Minister  of  the  Interior,  a  friend  of  the 
Chancellor  and  a  pillar  of  the  reaction.  De- 
spite such  flickers  of  illumination,  the  reign 
to  which  Europe  had  looked  forward  with 
hopeful  eagerness  was  but  a  tragic  interlude 
of  suffering  and  sorrow. 

The  new  Emperor,  William  II,  who  as- 
cended the  throne  at  the  age  of  twenty-nine, 
had  little  affection  for  his  parents,  but  was 
filled  with  an  almost  idolatrous  admiration  for 
his  grandfather.  He  had  sat  at  the  feet  of  Bis- 


84  HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

marck,  for  whom  he  entertained  boundless 
enthusiasm,  and  his  accession  was  hailed  with 
delight  in  Conservative  and  military  circles. 
Whereas  the  first  proclamation  of  Frederick 
had  been  to  his  people,  that  of  his  son  was 
addressed  to  the  army.  The  new  ruler,  in- 
deed, spared  no  pains  to  show  how  little  he 
respected  his  father's  memory  or  his  mother's 
grief.  He  decorated  Puttkammer  and  gave 
him  a  seat  in  the  Prussian  Upper  House.  He 
restored  the  name  of  the  New  Palace,  which 
his  father  had  altered  to  Friedrichskron. 
These  were  comparative  trifles;  but  worse 
was  to  follow.  Dr.  Geffcken  published  pas- 
sages from  the  late  Emperor's  diary  designed 
to  show  that  he  had  played  a  more  prominent 
part  in  the  foundation  of  the  Empire  than  was 
commonly  believed.  Bismarck  denounced 
the  publication  as  a  forgery,  and  the  Em- 
peror ordered  his  Chancellor  to  draw  up  a 
report  on  it.  The  report,  though  filled  with 
statements  damaging  to  his  father's  memory, 
was  published  with  the  Emperor's  sanction; 
and  when  the  Court  acquitted  Geffcken  of  the 
charge  of  treason,  the  whole  dossier  prepared 
by  the  prosecution  was  printed.  The  Chan- 
cellor was  paying  off  old  scores;  but  for  the 
Emperor  there  was  no  excuse. 

While  William  II  had  no  misgivings  as  to 
his  ability  to  steer  the  ship  of  State,  Bismarck 
believed  himself  to  be  more  than  ever  indis- 


GERMANY  85 

pensable  with  a  young  and  inexperienced 
ruler  on  the  throne.  Disagreements  both  on 
foreign  and  domestic  policy  quickly  occurred. 
The  anti-socialist  law,  passed  in  1878  and 
renewed  at  intervals,  was  due  to  expire  in 
1890;  and  Bismarck  proposed  to  substitute 
a  permanent  measure.  The  Reichstag  proved 
hostile,  and  when  a  rumour  arose  that  the 
Emperor  favoured  a  milder  Bill,  it  was  re- 
jected. In  the  next  place,  the  Emperor 
objected  to  the  secret  treaty  with  Russia  as 
disloyal  to  Austria.  Finally,  the  Chancellor 
threw  cold  water  on  his  young  master's  plan 
to  summon  an  International  Congress  for  the 
discussion  of  labour  problems.  The  crisis, 
however,  did  not  arise  from  disagreement  on 
policy.  The  Emperor  insisted  on  entering 
into  direct  relations  with  his  ministers;  and 
when  Bismarck  quoted  the  Cabinet  Order  of 
1852,  by  which  all  communications  between 
King  and  ministers  were  to  be  made  through 
the  Premier,  he  demanded  its  repeal.  Shortly 
after  this  controversy  the  Emperor  learned 
that  the  Chancellor  had  invited  Windthorst, 
the  Catholic  leader,  to  his  palace,  and  at 
once  sent  to  inform  him  that  he  desired  to 
be  told  when  political  discussions  were  to 
take  place.  Bismarck  replied  that  he  could 
not  let  any  one  decide  his  visitors  for  him. 
Early  next  morning  the  Emperor  arrived  at 
the  Chancellor's  residence  and  asked  what 


86  HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

subjects  he  had  discussed  with  Windthorst. 
Bismarck  angrily  replied  that  the  conversa- 
tion was  private,  and  that  he  was  willing  to 
resign  if  the  Emperor  desired.  The  following 
day  was  a  Sunday,  and  on  the  Monday  the 
Emperor's  secretary  brought  a  demand  for  his 
resignation. 

William  II  began  to  reign  in  1888,  and  to 
govern  in  1890,  when  he  dropped  the  pilot. 
He  explained  in  eloquent  utterances  that  he 
would  brook  neither  competition  nor  opposi- 
tion. "There  is  only  one  master  in  this 
country,  and  I  am  he.  I  shall  suffer  no  other 
beside  me."  "I  see  in  the  people  and  the 
land  which  have  descended  to  me  a  talent 
entrusted  to  me  by  God,  which  it  is  my  duty 
to  increase.  Those  who  will  help  me  I 
heartily  welcome;  those  who  oppose  me  I 
shall  dash  in  pieces."  He  declared  that  he 
was  responsible  for  his  actions  to  God  and 
his  conscience  alone.  Though  by  far  the 
ablest  of  the  Hohenzollerns  since  Frederick 
the  Great,  he  was  unequal  to  the  part  of 
universal  arbiter  in  politics  and  religion,  art 
and  literature.  His  ideals  of  personal  govern- 
ment and  divine  right  were  out  of  date.  His 
people  laughed  at  his  claims  and  his  eccen- 
tricities, and  an  audacious  Bavarian  professor 
compared  him  to  Caligula.  The  new  reign 
witnessed  not  only  the  emergence  of  the 
Imperial  factor  but  important  changes  in 


GERMANY  87 

high  policy.  Bismarck  had  won  for  his 
country  the  hegemony  of  Europe,  and  his 
aim  was  to  avoid  whatever  might  endanger 
it.  For  this  reason  he  clung  to  Russia,  even 
after  the  conclusion  of  the  Triple  Alliance, 
and  gave  her  a  free  hand  in  the  Near  East. 
William  II,  on  the  other  hand,  entered  freely 
into  competition  with  the  Tsar  for  influence 
in  Turkey.  An  even  more  momentous  de- 
parture was  soon  announced.  While  Bis- 
marck felt  no  enthusiasm  for  a  Colonial 
Empire,  William  announced  himself  a  zealous 
adherent  of  Imperialism,  whose  ambition  was 
to  do  for  the  navy  what  his  grandfather  had 
done  for  the  army.  With  the  utterance  of 
the  famous  words,  "Our  future  lies  on  the 
water,"  a  new  chapter  of  German  history 
begins. 

Bismarck's  successor,  General  Caprivi, 
loyally  carried  out  the  orders  of  his  imperious 
master;  but  his  difficulties  were  enormously 
increased  by  Parthian  shots  from  Frie- 
drichsruh.  "I  cannot  lie  down  like  a  hiber- 
nating bear,"  cried  the  fallen  hero.  He 
sneered  at  the  academic  debates  of  the 
Labour  Congress,  prophesied  revolution  when 
the  anti-socialist  law  was  allowed  to  lapse, 
declared  the  acquisition  of  Heligoland  too 
dearly  purchased  by  the  surrender  of  Zan- 
zibar, pronounced  the  alliance  of  France 
and  Russia  the  consequence  of  blundering 


88  HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

diplomacy,  and  encouraged  opposition  to  the 
conclusion  of  commercial  treaties.  The 
Emperor  retaliated  by  decorating  Bismarck's 
enemies,  and  by  persuading  the  Austrian 
Court  to  boycott  him  when  he  journeyed  to 
Vienna  for  the  marriage  of  his  son  Herbert. 
The  conflict  inflicted  such  damage  on  the 
Empire  that  influential  mediators  came 
forward.  In  1893  the  Emperor  held  out  an 
olive-branch,  which  was  repulsed;  but  in 
1894  a  public  reconciliation  was  effected. 
Bismarck  was  invited  to  Berlin,  and  the 
Emperor  returned  the  visit  at  Friedrichsruh. 
During  the  last  four  years  of  the  ex-Chan- 
cellor's life  the  semblance  of  friendliness 
was  preserved;  but  the  events  of  1890  were 
never  forgiven. 

During  Caprivi's  tenure  of  office  the  army 
was  increased  in  1890  and  again,  after  an 
appeal  to  the  country,  in  1893,  the  period  of 
service  being  at  the  same  time  reduced  to 
two  years.  The  income  from  the  royal 
property  of  the  deposed  King  of  Hanover, 
known  as  the  Guelf  Fund,  which  Bismarck 
had  employed  to  control  the  press,  was 
restored  to  the  Duke  of  Cumberland.  But 
the  main  achievement  of  the  Chancellor  was 
the  conclusion  of  commercial  treaties  with 
Austria,  Italy,  Belgium,  and  Switzerland  in 
1891,  and  with  Russia,  after  a  bitter  tariff 
war,  in  1894.  The  fierce  hostility  of  the 


GERMANY  89 

Agrarians  to  the  Russian  treaty  made  his 
position  untenable,  and  the  Emperor  dis- 
pensed with  his  services. 

His  successor  was  Prince  Hohenlohe,  a 
liberal  Catholic,  who  had  been  Prime  Minister 
of  Bavaria  before  1870,  Ambassador  in 
Paris,  and  Governor  of  Alsace-Lorraine.  His 
prestige  and  experience  secured  him  more 
consideration  than  his  predecessor;  but  as  he 
was  seventy-five  years  old  and  cared  little  for 
power,  his  influence  was  limited.  His  out- 
spoken Memoirs  suggest  the  difficulties  he 
experienced  in  co-operating  with  his  impulsive 
master. 

The  lapse  of  the  anti-socialist  law  and  the 
summoning  of  the  Labour  Congress  in  1890 
had  raised  hopes  of  better  relations  between 
the  Crown  and  the  working  classes;  but 
the  expectation  was  disappointed.  The 
Socialists,  who  had  3  seats  in  the  Reichstag 
of  1871,  35  in  that  of  1890,  and  44  in  that  of 
1893,  increased  their  poll  at  every  election. 
An  annual  Congress  met  for  the  first  time 
in  1890,  and  in  1891  the  Erfurt  Programme 
was  elaborated.  The  Emperor  watched  their 
rapid  growth  with  dismay,  and  spoke  bitterly 
of  the  "traitorous  rabble."  Disappointed  by 
the  results  of  his  policy  of  conciliation  he 
determined  to  revive  coercion;  but  in  1895 
the  Reichstag  rejected  a  measure  punishing 
with  imprisonment  attacks  on  religion,  the 


00  HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

monarchy,  property,  and  the  family.  A 
dissolution  would  have  been  useless,  and 
the  Emperor  was  forced  to  content  himself 
with  oratorical  denunciations  of  Socialism. 
For  protesting  against  one  of  these  tirades 
Liebknecht,  the  leader  of  the  party,  was 
imprisoned  for  treason.  The  battle  con- 
tinued, and  on  Liebknecht's  death  Bebel 
became  the  most  formidable  critic  of  the 
system  of  personal  rule. 

The  main  task  of  the  middle  years  of  the 
reign  was  to  emphasise  the  role  of  Germany 
as  a  World  Power  by  the  construction  of  a 
fleet  and  the  acquisition  of  new  colonies  and 
spheres  of  influence.  Heligoland  provided  a 
convenient  naval  base  at  the  mouth  of  the 
Elbe,  and  the  Kiel  Canal  was  completed  in 
1895.  A  few  warships  were  built  in  the  first 
decade  of  the  reign;  but  in  1897  a  programme 
of  construction  to  be  carried  out  by  1904 
was  approved.  The  increase  of  the  navy 
was  justified  by  the  rapid  development  of 
commerce  and  the  growth  of  the  mercantile 
marine;  but  its  main  purpose  was  to  enable 
the  Fatherland  to  play  a  leading  part  in 
Weltpolitik.  With  the  exception  of  the 
Socialists  every  party  welcomed  the  entry 
of  Germany  into  the  ranks  of  naval  Powers, 
and  the  Navy  League,  which  enjoyed  Im- 
perial patronage,  obtained  an  enormous 
membership.  A  new  programme  was  au- 


GERMANY  01 

thorised  in  1900,  fixing  the  strength  at  38 
battleships,  14  large  cruisers,  and  38  small 
cruisers,  to  be  completed  in  1917.  A  law 
of  1906  increased  the  number  of  large  cruisers 
by  6,  and  in  1908  the  life  of  battleships  was 
shortened  from  25  to  20  years,  necessitating 
the  construction  of  4  annually  in  place  of  3 
during  the  years  1908-11. 

Without  waiting  for  the  completion  of  his 
fleet  the  Emperor  began  to  assert  his  power. 
In  1895  he  joined  France  and  Russia  in 
ordering  Japan  to  disgorge  her  conquests  on 
the  Chinese  mainland.  In  1897  he  compelled 
China  to  lease  Kiao-Chou  in  expiation  of 
the  murder  of  German  missionaries,  and  dis- 
patched a  squadron  under  his  sailor  brother, 
Prince  Henry,  to  take  possession  of  it.  In 
1899  he  secured  a  new  foothold  in  the  Pacific 
by  the  purchase  of  the  Caroline  Islands  from 
Spain.  In  1900  he  obtained  the  consent  of 
the  other  Powers  to  place  a  German  General 
at  the  head  of  the  international  force  which 
marched  to  Pekin.  In  the  Near  East,  German 
influence  increased  no  less  rapidly.  While 
Europe  shuddered  at  the  Armenian  atrocities 
the  Emperor  ostentatiously  displayed  his 
friendliness  for  the  Great  Assassin.  His 
spectacular  journey  to  Syria  in  1898  provided 
an  opportunity  for  announcing  himself  the 
protector  of  Mohammedans  throughout  the 
world,  and  the  concession  to  a  German 


92  HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

Company  of  the  right  to  continue  the 
Anatolian  railway  system  to  Bagdad  and  the 
Persian  Gulf  represented  the  high-water 
mark  of  Turkish  complaisance. 

Hohenlohe  resigned  in  1900  and  was  suc- 
ceeded by  Blilow,  the  Foreign  Secretary. 
Though  his  training  had  been  exclusively  in 
diplomacy,  he  displayed  considerable  skill  in 
driving  the  parliamentary  team.  His  first 
conflict  arose  in  1902  on  the  introduction  of  a 
new  tariff,  raising  the  duty  on  corn  and  meat 
after  the  expiration  of  Caprivi's  treaties.  The 
parties  of  the  Left,  resting  on  the  vote  of  the 
towns,  vigorously  opposed  the  change,  which 
was  finally  carried  by  closure  in  a  form  even 
more  favourable  to  the  Agrarian  interest  than 
on  its  introduction.  The  Chancellor  declared 
that  he  desired  no  better  epitaph  than  that 
he  was  a  friend  of  the  Agrarians;  but  the 
unpopularity  of  the  new  tariff  was  shown  in 
the  election  of  1903,  when  the  Socialists 
increased  their  poll  to  3  millions  and  their 
seats  from  58  to  81. 

The  second  battle  was  in  reference  to  the 
Colonies.  A  revolt  broke  out  in  German 
South  West  Africa,  which  proved  unex- 
pectedly difficult  to  repress.  The  cost  in 
blood  and  money  was  continually  growing, 
and  tales  of  misconduct  increased  the  depres- 
sion. The  Centre,  rendered  critical  by  the 
reports  of  Catholic  missionaries,  denounced 


GERMANY  93 

the  administration  of  the  local  officials,  and  in 
1905  combined  with  the  Socialists  to  reject 
the  estimates  for  a  colonial  railway.  The 
Reichstag  was  dissolved,  Billow  declared  war 
on  the  Centre  and  the  Socialists,  and  Dern- 
burg,  the  Colonial  Minister,  opened  a  cam- 
paign in  the  great  cities,  painting  the  future 
of  the  Colonies  in  glowing  colours.  The 
Socialist  representation  fell  to  43,  though 
they  increased  their  poll  by  250,000;  but  the 
Centre  returned  in  undiminished  strength. 
The  Chancellor  appealed  to  the  Conserva- 
tives, National  Liberals,  and  Radicals  to 
sink  their  differences.  A  bloc  was  formed; 
but  it  was  too  artificial  to  last.  Controversial 
legislation  was  avoided;  but  when,  in  1909, 
despite  the  issue  of  numerous  loans,  new  taxa- 
tion to  the  extent  of  25  millions  was  necessi- 
tated, the  Conservatives  rebelled  against  the 
proposed  death  duties.  The  Chancellor 
resigned  after  the  passage  of  the  Budget  in  a 
modified  form,  and  was  succeeded  by  Beth- 
mann-Hollweg,  an  experienced  official  but 
without  knowledge  of  foreign  affairs. 

While  the  occasion  of  Billow's  resignation 
was  the  revolt  of  the  Conservatives,  it  was 
widely  held  that  the  real  cause  was  different. 
Throughout  the  reign  the  Emperor's  impul- 
sive speeches  and  telegrams  had  caused 
anxiety;  and  in  1908  an  utterance  appeared 
which  stirred  Europe  more  than  any  action 


94  HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

since  the  message  to  Kruger  in  1896.  A  long 
interview  appeared  in  the  Daily  Telegraph, 
containing  outspoken  declarations  on  his  own 
and  his  people's  feelings  in  the  past  and  pres- 
ent towards  England  and  other  countries. 
When  the  Reichstag  met,  the  party  leaders 
roundly  declared  that  such  indiscretions  must 
cease.  The  Chancellor  communicated  some- 
thing like  a  promise  to  refrain  from  personal 
interventions  in  politics,  and  added  that 
neither  he  nor  any  future  Chancellor  could 
hold  office  if  they  continued.  On  the  publi- 
cation of  the  interview  he  had  offered  his 
resignation;  but  his  master  had  pressed  him 
to  retain  office,  at  any  rate  till  the  new  taxes 
were  passed.  For  the  next  eighteen  months 
the  Emperor  abstained  from  the  expression 
of  his  personal  views. 

Every  member  of  the  German  federation 
leads  a  life  of  its  own  in  addition  to  sharing 
the  fortunes  of  the  Empire.  The  adoption 
of  a  common  Code  in  1900  was  dictated  by 
practical  utility;  but  the  smaller  States  are 
always  on  their  guard  against  encroachments 
by  the  predominant  partner.  Even  in  Prussia 
itself  resistance  to  the  royal  will  is  not  un- 
known. In  1892  a  Bill  increasing  the  influence 
of  the  clergy  in  the  schools  was  withdrawn 
in  consequence  of  an  irrepressible  outburst  of 
public  opinion.  In  1899  a  still  more  damag- 
ing blow  was  struck.  The  Government  pro- 


GERMANY  05 

posed  to  construct  a  canal  joining  the  Rhine 
and  the  Elbe;  but  the  Conservatives,  be- 
lieving that  it  would  lower  the  price  of  corn 
and  meat,  rejected  the  Bill  despite  the  threats 
of  their  ruler.  The  leaders  of  the  revolt  were 
promptly  dismissed  from  their  posts  at  Court 
and  in  the  local  administration;  but  when  the 
Bill  was  reintroduced  in  1901  the  hostility 
was  as  great  as  ever,  and  a  second  defeat  was 
averted  by  the  withdrawal  of  the  measure. 

The  most  burning  question  of  Prussian 
politics  is  that  of  the  franchise.  The  Con- 
stitution of  1850  established  indirect  election, 
and  divided  voters  into  three  classes  accord- 
ing to  their  income.  Thus  while  the  Social- 
ists polled  by  far  the  largest  number  of  votes, 
they  were  without  representation  in  the  Land- 
tag till  1908,  when  they  secured  7  seats  out 
of  a  total  of  nearly  400.  Such  a  parody  of 
representative  government  could  only  be 
maintained  by  force;  and  colossal  demon- 
strations in  the  great  cities  have  revealed  the 
strength  of  the  demand  for  reform.  A  Bill 
introducing  the  ballot  but  retaining  the  three- 
class  system  in  a  modified  form  was  passed 
by  the  Landtag  in  1910;  but  as  it  satisfied 
neither  the  Right  nor  the  Left  it  was  with- 
drawn. A  second  grave  problem  is  that  of 
the  Poles.  The  attempt  to  Germanise  the 
Polish  districts  by  allowing  only  German  in 
the  elementary  schools  has  been  defeated  by 


96  HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

the  stubborn  determination  of  the  people  to 
maintain  their  language  and  by  the  rapid 
increase  in  population.  In  1906  popular 
resentment  flared  up.  The  children  declined 
to  answer  questions  in  German,  and  finally 
refused  to  attend  school.  The  Government 
punished  the  "school  strikes"  by  fines,  expul- 
sions, and  imprisonment;  but  the  sullen 
opposition  remains.  A  second  line  of  attack 
began  in  1886,  when  Bismarck  embarked  on 
an  extensive  plan  of  colonisation.  The  policy 
of  subsidised  settlements  has  been  continued 
at  enormous  cost  by  his  successors,  but  with- 
out effect.  Exasperated  by  failure  the  Gov- 
ernment carried  an  Expropriation  Bill  in  1908, 
empowering  the  Land  Commission  to  buy 
whatever  it  needed  at  its  own  price.  Despite 
these  tyrannical  methods  the  Poles  hold 
more  land  to-day  than  when  the  colonisation 
began.  Nowhere  has  the  regimentation  of  a 
people  been  more  systematically  pursued,  and 
nowhere  has  its  failure  been  more  complete. 

Of  the  other  subject  nationalities  there  is 
less  to  relate.  The  Danes  in  Schleswig  are 
too  few  to  resist  the  Prussian  steam-roller; 
and  a  treaty  with  Denmark  in  1907  removed 
some  of  their  worst  grievances.  The  repre- 
sentation of  Alsace-Lorraine  in  the  Reichstag 
indicates  a  gradual  diminution  of  hostility, 
and  in  1911  its  autonomy  was  extended  and 
the  sending  of  delegates  to  the  Bundesrath 


GERMANY  97 

authorised.  The  smaller  States  of  the  German 
Empire  have  made  steady  progress  under 
more  liberal  institutions  than  those  of 
Prussia. 

n 

The  expulsion  of  the  House  of  Hapsburg 
from  the  German  Confederation  and  from 
Italy  in  1866  was  followed  by  far-reaching 
internal  changes.  Hungarian  autonomy  was 
revived  and  parliamentary  institutions  were 
granted  to  Austria.  For  some  years  the 
German  Liberals  were  in  office;  but  in  1879 
Taaffe,  a  friend  of  Francis  Joseph  from 
childhood,  became  Prime  Minister  and  held 
office  till  1893.  It  was  his  wish  no  less  than 
that  of  his  master  to  form  a  Ministry  repre- 
senting all  races  and  parties;  and  though  the 
Germans  resented  their  diminished  influence, 
the  Government  was  strengthened  by  the 
support  of  the  Czechs,  who  had  hitherto 
refused  to  take  their  seats  in  the  Reichsrath. 
A  Czech  University  was  founded  at  Prague 
and  the  Czech  language  received  recognition 
for  official  purposes,  while  the  support  of 
the  Polish  nobles  of  Galicia  was  obtained  by 
allowing  them  to  deal  with  the  Ruthenian 
minority  at  their  pleasure.  Such  a  system 
could  not  last  for  ever.  In  Bohemia  the 
Old  Czechs,  who  represented  the  nobility, 
were  gradually  displaced  by  the  Young 


98  HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

Czechs,  who  opposed  the  Conservative  and 
clerical  policy  of  Taaffe,  and  demanded  that 
the  Emperor  should  be  crowned  King  of 
Bohemia,  like  his  predecessors.  When  Taaffe 
dissolved  in  1891,  the  Young  Czechs  cap- 
tured every  Czech  seat.  He  held  on  for  two 
years;  but  Bohemia  was  now  in  uproar. 

The  nationalities  continued  their  bicker- 
ings; but  the  mam  interest  was  transferred 
to  electoral  reform.  The  demand  for  univer- 
sal suffrage  was  supported  by  the  Socialists, 
the  new  anti-Semitic  party  of  Christian 
Socialism,  the  Young  Czechs,  and  the  German 
Nationalists.  Taaffe  had  realised  the  neces- 
sity of  enfranchising  the  working  classes, 
but  had  been  forced  to  withdraw  a  far- 
reaching  scheme.  His  successors  found  the 
task  no  less  thorny,  and  in  1896  a  timid 
measure  was  passed,  adding  a  fifth  class  or 
Curia  of  voters  by  universal  suffrage,  in  which 
citizens  over  twenty-four,  whether  entitled 
to  vote  in  the  existing  Curiae  or  not,  were 
included.  To  the  new  class,  which  com- 
prised 5£  million  voters,  were  allotted  72  seats, 
while  the  remaining  353  members  were  elected 
by  less  than  2  million  voters.  Such  a  half- 
hearted reform,  instead  of  solving  the  prob- 
lem, made  it  certain  that  it  would  shortly 
be  reopened. 

The  Chamber  elected  in  1897  showed  that 
the  new  voters  had  only  increased  the  number 


AUSTRIA-HUNGARY  99 

and  confusion  of  parties.  Fourteen  Socialists 
made  their  appearance,  and  the  Chamber 
included  twenty-four  distinct  groups.  Ba- 
deni,  who  had  passed  the  Franchise  Bill,  re- 
quired a  majority  to  renew  the  decennial  ar- 
rangement with  Hungary.  To  obtain  it  he 
bought  the  Czechs  by  the  Language  Ordinan- 
ces, which  threw  Austrian  politics  into  con- 
fusion for  a  decade.  Proficiency  in  Czech  and 
German  was  required  from  virtually  every 
Government  official  in  Bohemia.  The  de- 
crees only  went  a  little  beyond  those  of  Taaffe; 
but  the  resistance  of  the  Germans  was  now 
far  more  vigorous.  Behind  the  equality  of 
language  they  detected  approval  of  an  auton- 
omous Bohemia  in  federal  relations  with  other 
parts  of  Austria.  Their  obstruction  brought 
the  parliamentary  machine  to  a  standstill, 
and  Badeni  resigned.  Two  short-lived  Minis- 
tries followed,  the  Budgets  were  promulgated 
by  decree,  and  the  Compromise  with  Hun- 
gary was  provisionally  adopted.  When  a 
third  Ministry  dropped  the  Badeni  decrees, 
the  Czechs  borrowed  the  obstructionist  tac- 
tics of  their  opponents.  The  confusion  sug- 
gested new  methods  to  the  Emperor,  who  in 
1900  chose  Korber,  an  experienced  official,  to 
conciliate  the  racial  factions  by  a  programme 
of  canals  and  railways.  But  the  Czechs 
continued  to  obstruct,  and  a  new  element 
of  discord  was  introduced  after  the  election 


100          HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

of  1901  by  the  appearance  of  a  powerful  Pan- 
German  and  Los  von  Rom  party. 

After  an  heroic  struggle  Kb'rber  was  forced 
to  resign  in  1904.  By  this  time  it  was  ob- 
vious that  a  mitigation  of  the  racial  conflict 
was  impossible  without  an  extension  of  the 
franchise.  Early  in  1906  Gautsch,  his  suc- 
cessor, introduced  a  Bill  which  became  law 
early  in  1907.  The  five  classes  were  swept 
away,  and  the  franchise  was  granted  to  men 
over  twenty-four  with  a  residential  qualifica- 
tion of  one  year.  The  constituencies  were 
made  as  nearly  as  possible  racially  homo- 
geneous. The  Germans  obtained  a  larger 
and  the  Czechs  and  the  Ruthenians  a  smaller 
number  of  their  seats  than  their  numbers 
warranted;  but  such  inequalities  were  toler- 
ated for  the  sake  of  universal  franchise. 
The  Reform  Bill  carried  with  it  two  great 
changes.  In  the  first  place,  the  Chamber 
was  no  longer  divided  almost  exclusively  on 
racial  lines.  The  two  strongest  parties,  the 
Christian  Socialists  and  the  Social  Demo- 
crats, represented  interests  independent  of 
racial  frontiers,  while  the  Pan-Germans 
almost  disappeared.  In  the  second  place, 
the  Emperor  was  compelled  to  buy  the  assent 
of  the  Upper  House  to  the  measure  by  sur- 
rendering his  right  to  override  opposition  by 
an  unlimited  creation  of  peers.  Universal 
suffrage  has  on  the  whole  justified  the  ex- 


AUSTRIA-HUNGARY  101 

pectations  of  the  Emperor.  The  feud  of 
Germans  and  Czechs  in  Bohemia,  of  Poles 
and  Ruthenians  in  Galicia,  and  of  Germans 
and  Italians  in  Tyrol  continues;  but  the  sen- 
timent of  solidarity  grows  with  every  year  of 
the  reign  of  Francis  Joseph,  and  the  appre- 
hension that  the  polyglot  Empire  will  go  to 
pieces  on  the  accession  of  his  nephew  has 
disappeared. 

Hungary  was  punished  for  its  revolt  in 
1848  by  twenty  years  of  despotic  rule  from 
Vienna;  but  the  disasters  of  1866  deter- 
mined the  Emperor  to  seek  a  reconciliation. 
Full  autonomy  was  restored,  and  Francis 
Joseph  was  crowned  King  at  Buda-Pesth. 
The  two  halves  of  the  Dual  Monarchy  were 
connected  by  their  common  ruler,  by  com- 
mon Ministers  of  Foreign  Affairs,  War,  and 
Finance,  and  by  the  Delegations  which  meet 
alternately  in  the  two  capitals.  Though 
Kossuth  stood  aloof  and  remained  in  volun- 
tary exile,  the  majority  of  Hungarians  gladly 
accepted  an  arrangement  which  not  only 
restored  their  national  life  but  gave  them  an 
equal  share  in  controlling  the  destinies  of 
the  joint  State. 

With  the  retirement  of  Deak  and  Andrassy 
their  party  crumbled  to  pieces,  and  in  1875 
Coloman  Tisza,  the  leader  of  the  Left,  be- 
came Premier,  and  remained  the  virtual 
Dictator  of  Hungary  for  fifteen  years.  An 


102          HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

important  change  in  the  Constitution  was 
effected  in  1885.  The  Great  Nobles  had  for 
centuries  possessed  the  right  to  attend  Par- 
liament in  person,  though  in  modern  times 
most  of  them  seldom  appeared.  Such  a 
Chamber  was  clearly  doomed.  The  right  of 
hereditary  peers  to  a  seat  in  the  Table  of 
Magnates  was  limited  to  members  who  paid 
£250  a  year  in  land  taxes.  This  drastic  step 
reduced  the  hereditary  members  from  about 
800  to  250.  At  the  same  time  life  members, 
high  officials,  and  representatives  of  the 
Churches  were  introduced.  Despite  these 
changes  the  Magyar  landed  aristocracy  re- 
mains supreme  in  the  Upper  Chamber. 

Tisza's  governing  principle  was  to  in- 
crease the  power  of  the  Magyars  in  the 
State.  Deak  and  Eotvos  had  desired  to 
assimilate  the  non-Magyar  races  by  the 
attraction  of  superior  culture,  and  guar- 
anteed them  certain  rights  by  the  Law  of 
Nationalities  of  1868.  Cynically  disregard- 
ing their  charter,  Tisza  made  Magyar  the 
sole  medium  of  instruction  in  State  secondary 
schools,  closed  the  schools  of  other  races,  and 
declared  that  there  was  "no  Slovak  nation." 
The  high  franchise  excluded  the  minor  races 
from  a  share  in  power,  and  ruthless  pressure 
was  exerted  by  the  Government  at  elections. 
Literary  and  religious  no  less  than  political 
movements  among  Slovaks  and  Roumanians 


AUSTRIA-HUNGARY  103 

were  suppressed,  and  constant  friction  arose 
with  Croatia,  despite  its  partial  autonomy. 

Tisza  fell  in  1890,  and  in  1892  Wekerle, 
the  leader  of  the  Extreme  Left,  became 
Premier.  His  accession  to  office  was  the 
signal  for  fierce  political  conflict.  Mixed 
marriages  were  frequent;  and  the  law  de- 
clared that  the  children  were  to  be  brought 
up  in  the  communion  of  the  parent  whose 
sex  they  inherited.  The  priests  insisted  on 
baptizing  all  the  children  of  mixed  marriages 
and  entering  their  names  as  Catholics  in 
the  parish  register.  To  meet  this  encroach- 
ment registration  was  taken  out  of  their 
hands,  and  Wekerle  finally  determined  to 
introduce  compulsory  civil  marriage.  The 
Bill  passed  the  Lower  House  with  a  large 
majority,  but  was  rejected  by  the  Magnates, 
most  of  whom  were  Catholics.  The  Lower 
House  having  again  passed  it,  Wekerle 
begged  the  King  to  create  peers.  Francis 
Joseph,  who  disliked  the  measure,  refused, 
whereon  Wekerle  resigned.  No  one,  how- 
ever, was  able  to  form  a  Ministry,  and  in 
ten  days  he  was  recalled.  The  Bill  was  ac- 
cepted, and  the  predominance  of  the  Lower 
House  over  the  Magnates  and  the  Crown  was 
established.  Wekerle's  successor,  Banffy, 
carried  bills  through  the  Lower  House  sanc- 
tioning the  Jewish  religion  and  establishing 
freedom  of  worship,  which  were  in  turn 


104          HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

rejected  or  mutilated  by  the  Magnates; 
but  when  they  were  sent  up  a  second  time 
the  Peers  surrendered. 

The  Compromise  of  1867  had  given  Hun- 
gary an  equal  position  in  the  Dual  Mon- 
archy; but  as  she  became  stronger  the  de- 
mand for  greater  independence  arose.  In 
1889  "The  Imperial  Army"  became  "The 
Imperial  and  Royal  Army."  When  the  Com- 
promise fell  to  be  renewed  in  1897  Hungary 
obtained  an  increased  influence  over  the 
joint  Bank  and  a-  larger  share  of  the  common 
customs  receipt;  but  Banffy  agreed  that 
the  new  arrangements  should  remain  in 
force  till  they  were  cancelled  by  legislation. 
The  Kossuthist  party,  who  desired  a  merely 
personal  Union,  protested  against  the  con- 
cession, and  Banffy  fell. 

The  tendency  towards  greater  independ- 
ence now  manifested  itself  even  more 
strongly.  The  Kossuthists  claimed  a  national 
army,  while  the  Emperor-King  stood  immov- 
ably for  an  undivided  force.  After  contro- 
versies which  brought  two  Ministries  to  the 
ground,  Stephen  Tisza,  the  son  of  the  famous 
Minister,  took  office  with  authority  to  grant 
certain  concessions.  Hungarian  flags  and 
banners  were  to  be  employed,  and  the  com- 
mand of  Hungarian  regiments  to  be  en- 
trusted exclusively  to  Hungarian  officers; 
but  German  was  to  remain  the  common 


AUSTRIA-HUNGARY  105 

language  for  the  words  of  command.  The 
Opposition  was  dissatisfied,  and  the  Ministry 
was  weakened  by  the  formidable  hostility 
of  Apponyi,  who  left  the  Liberal  party  when 
Tisza  took  office,  and  of  Julius  Andrassy, 
the  son  of  Deak's  colleague.  An  attempt 
to  alter  the  rules  of  the  House  led  to  violent 
scenes;  and  when  Parliament  was  dissolved 
in  1905  Tisza  was  routed,  and  the  parties 
of  Independence,  which  rejected  or  disliked 
the  Compromise  of  1867,  obtained  a  sweep- 
ing victory.  The  Coalition  demanded  con- 
cessions which  the  King  refused  to  grant; 
and  after  months  of  negotiation  Fejervary, 
an  intimate  friend  of  the  King,  took  office 
without  a  majority.  The  Opposition,  con- 
scious of  their  strength,  stood  firm.  It  was 
at  this  moment  and  in  order  to  break  their 
serried  ranks  that  Kristoffy,  the  Minister 
of  the  Interior,  proposed  an  extension  of  the 
suffrage.  A  compromise  was  at  last  reached. 
Wekerle  took  office,  supported  by  Francis 
Kossuth,  the  son  of  the  hero,  Apponyi  and 
Andrassy,  and  changes  in  the  army  were 
postponed  till  universal  suffrage  had  been 
introduced. 

The  rule  of  the  Coalition,  though  restoring 
constitutional  government,  brought  little 
satisfaction  to  the  country.  The  Croats  de- 
clared that  the  promises  of  better  treatment 
had  not  been  fulfilled,  and  the  Croatian 


106          HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

Constitution  was  suspended.  The  Ministry 
proposed  to  neutralise  the  effects  of  uni- 
versal suffrage  on  Magyar  domination  by 
plural  voting  and  the  gerrymandering  of 
electoral  divisions.  Such  a  scheme  was  no 
honest  redemption  of  the  pledge  with  which 
they  had  taken  office.  The  Ministry  was 
discredited  by  corruption,  feuds  broke  out 
between  its  groups,  and  in  1910  it  resigned. 
Hedervary,  a  henchman  of  the  King,  took 
office,  dissolved  Parliament,  and  by  un- 
blushing pressure  routed  the  Coalition.  The 
separatist  policy  has  received  a  temporary 
check;  but  no  one  can  foretell  the  future  of 
Hungarian  parties.  Universal  suffrage  and 
the  ballot  will  introduce  many  new  elements 
into  the  Chamber,  and  direct  attention  to 
the  needs  and  sufferings  of  the  Nationalities. 
Alone  of  the  Great  Powers,  Austria- 
Hungary  possesses  no  colonies;  but  Bosnia 
and  Herzegovina,  the  administration  of  which 
was  entrusted  to  the  Dual  Monarchy  by  the 
Berlin  Treaty  of  1878,  have  been  governed 
through  a  common  Finance  Minister.  The 
efforts  of  Kallay,  a  Hungarian,  who  ruled  for 
twenty  years,  established  order  and  intro- 
duced the  material  side  of  civilisation  into 
the  Turkish  provinces.  After  the  annexa- 
tion in  1908  a  Constitution  was  granted;  but 
autonomy  is  still  far  off.  The  scheme  of  a 
Southern  Slav  State,  including  Croatia,  Dal- 


AUSTRIA-HUNGARY  107 

matia,  and  the  two  provinces,  and  forming 
with  Austria  and  Hungary  a  federal  Empire, 
has  some  adherents;  but  its  adoption  might 
open  up  more  problems  than  it  would 
solve. 


CHAPTER  V 

EASTERN   EUROPE 


WHEN  Alexander  III  ascended  the  Russian 
throne  in  1881  he  was  urged  to  issue  the 
Ukase  for  a  consultative  Assembly  of  Nota- 
bles which  Alexander  II  had  signed  on  the 
morning  of  his  assassination.  But  the  new 
Tsar  preferred  the  principles  of  Pobedonost- 
seff,  Procurator  of  the  Holy  Synod,  and  of 
Katkoff,  editor  of  the  Moscow  Gazette,  who 
taught  that  autocracy  and  orthodoxy  alone 
could  save  Russia  from  the  scepticism  and 
anarchy  of  Western  Europe.  The  Tsar, 
whose  personal  character  was  exemplary, 
lacked  his  father's  quick  intelligence  and 
personal  charm,  and  inherited  none  of  the 
generous  impulses  which  had  led  to  the  eman- 
cipation of  the  serfs  and  the  establishment 
of  Zemstvos,  or  county  councils.  The  Court 
lived  in  impenetrable  seclusion,  and  the  gov- 
ernment was  carried  on  by  a  corrupt  and 
reactionary  bureaucracy.  The  Nihilists  were 

108 


RUSSIA  109 

executed  or  banished,  and  in  1888  the  Amer- 
ican traveller,  Kennan,  revealed  to  the  world 
the  horrors  of  the  Siberian  prisons.  The 
press  was  muzzled,  the  privileges  of  Uni- 
versity students  curtailed,  and  the  power  of 
the  Zemstvos  severely  limited.  Russia  was 
in  the  grip  of  a  deadly  obscurantism,  and  the 
Intelligentia  either  threw  themselves  into 
Socialism  or  looked  on  in  dumb  despair. 
Homogeneity  was  sought  at  all  costs.  The 
Protestant  Stundists  of  the  South  were 
mercilessly  harried;  but  no  class  or  race 
suffered  so  much  as  the  Jews,  who  were  con- 
fined to  the  towns  of  the  West,  excluded 
from  a  share  in  local  government,  partially 
debarred  from  access  to  school,  and  forbidden 
to  hold  property  outside  the  towns  or  engage 
in  agriculture.  It  is  more  than  a  coincidence 
that  it  was  during  this  reign  that  Tolstoi 
began  to  preach  the  wickedness  of  all  coer- 
cion. It  was  also  a  time  of  acute  and  grow- 
ing suffering.  In  1891-3  half  the  country 
was  faced  with  starvation.  The  reign  of 
Alexander  III  was  a  period  of  national 
paralysis,  and  his  only  service  to  his  country 
was  the  maintenance  of  peace. 

The  accession  of  Nicholas  II  in  1894  at  the 
age  of  twenty-six  aroused  hopes  of  a  change  of 
system.  Several  Zemstvos  begged  that  their 
representatives  might  be  invited  to  assist  in 
the  drafting  of  laws;  but  the  reply  to  these 


110         HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

loyal  counsels  was  a  cruel  disappointment. 
The  Tsar  declared  his  intention  of  maintain- 
ing the  principles  of  autocracy  inviolate,  and 
dismissed  the  claims  to  share  in  the  admin- 
istration as  "senseless  dreams."  Like  his 
father  he  was  a  pupil  of  Pobedonostseff,  and 
the  world  learned  with  dismay  that  the 
numbing  influence  of  the  Procurator  was  to 
dominate  the  new  reign  as  it  had  dominated 
the  old.  Yet  forces  were  at  work  which  in 
time  were  bound  to  ruffle  the  stagnant 
waters.  In  1892  Witte  had  become  Minister 
of  Finance.  His  ambition  was  to  develop,  it 
might  almost  be  said  to  create,  Russian  in- 
dustry. He  improved  credit  by  establishing 
a  fixed  value  for  the  rouble  and  increasing 
the  gold  reserve.  He  extended  State  mon- 
opolies, buying  up  private  railways  and 
making  new  State  lines.  A  gigantic  tariff 
secured  the  home  market  to  manufacturers. 
In  1894  he  established  a  Government  mon- 
opoly of  the  sale  of  spirits.  He  boasted  that 
he  had  altered  every  tax  that  he  found;  but 
his  policy  of  raising  revenue  by  indirect  taxa- 
tion increased  the  burden  of  the  poor.  Some 
relief  was  found  when  the  construction  of 
the  Siberian  railway  facilitated  migration 
across  the  Ural  mountains. 

Witte  approached  his  work  rather  from 
the  standpoint  of  a  man  of  business  than 
a  politician.  Alarmed  by  the  discovery  that 


RUSSIA  111 

less  grain  was  being  sown  and  that  the 
consumption  of  bread  was  declining,  he  es- 
tablished a  Commission  in  1902  to  assist 
agriculture,  which  appointed  Committees 
representing  the  localities.  Many  of  these 
bodies  went  beyond  the  original  purpose  of 
their  institution,  and  demanded  freedom  of 
the  press  and  representative  institutions. 
They  were  condemned  by  Pobedonostseff, 
and  in  1903  Witte  was  dismissed  from  the 
Ministry  of  Finance  after  eleven  years  of 
memorable  endeavour.  The  Tsar  was  thor- 
oughly scared  by  the  spread  of  Socialism, 
the  strikes  among  the  rapidly  increasing 
factory  workers,  the  unrest  in  the  Universi- 
ties, and  the  growing  boldness  of  the  press. 
Though  Witte  was  not  a  Liberal,  he  was  too 
conscious  of  the  faults  of  autocratic  govern- 
ment to  be  entrusted  with  its  defence.  On 
his  fall  Plehve,  the  Minister  of  the  Interior, 
became  Dictator  of  Russia.  The  first  of  a 
new  series  of  attacks  on  the  Jews,  condoned 
if  not  originated  by  the  Government,  oc- 
curred in  1903  at  Kishineff. 

The  Japanese  War  overthrew  the  system 
of  Plehve  as  the  Crimean  War  had  destroyed 
the  system  of  Nicholas  I.  Indignation  was 
aroused  by  the  discovery  of  unblushing 
peculation  and  shameful  incompetence  both 
at  the  base  and  the  front.  Even  the  co- 
operation of  the  Zemstvos  in  the  organisation 


112          HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

of  relief  was  rebuked  by  the  Minister,  and 
his  assassination,  in  July  1904,  was  hailed 
with  delight.  After  deliberating  for  a  month 
the  Tsar  appointed  Prince  Mirski,  one  of 
the  most  enlightened  administrators  in  the 
Empire.  The  new  Minister's  first  step  was 
to  ask  for  the  confidence  of  the  public.  A 
Conference  of  members  of  Zemstvos  at  St. 
Petersburg  showed  itself  at  once  moderate 
and  determined.  They  demanded  inviola- 
bility of  the  person,  freedom  of  conscience, 
speech,  meeting,  association,  and  instruction, 
the  abolition  of  exceptional  laws,  amnesty 
for  political  prisoners,  and  an  elected  national 
assembly,  which  the  majority  desired  to 
possess  legislative  powers  and  which  all 
agreed  should  control  finance.  The  Court 
was  torn  asunder  by  conflicting  counsels. 
An  edict  promising  a  wider  franchise  and 
larger  powers  for  local  bodies  was  followed 
by  a  denunciation  of  the  claims  of  the 
reformers  as  incompatible  with  the  funda- 
mental laws  of  the  country.  A  strict  censor- 
ship was  revived,  and  the  tide  of  reform 
began  to  ebb. 

In  the  early  days  of  1905  an  event  occurred 
which  opened  a  deep  chasm  between  the 
Sovereign  and  the  reformers.  While  a 
salute  was  being  fired  a  shot  fell  close  to  the 
Tsar.  He  left  the  capital,  and  when,  three 
days  later,  Father  Gapon  headed  a  gigantic 


RUSSIA  113 

deputation  of  strikers  and  their  families,  the 
unarmed  crowds  were  shot  down  by  troops. 
Mirski  was  dismissed,  General  Trepoff  be- 
came Dictator  of  St.  Petersburg,  and  Bloody 
Sunday  was  followed  by  a  fierce  struggle 
throughout  the  country.  The  peasantry 
attacked  the  manor-houses,  police  officers 
were  assassinated  by  scores,  and  the  Tsar's 
uncle,  the  Grand  Duke  Serge,  was  murdered 
in  Moscow.  The  wiser  heads  at  Court 
recognised  that  the  situation  called  for  con- 
cessions, and  in  March  the  Tsar  declared 
his  intention  of  summoning  an  elective 
assembly.  Reforms  affecting  the  Dissenters, 
the  Jews,  and  the  Nationalities  were  pro- 
mulgated, and  the  censorship  of  the  press 
once  more  .  lapsed.  A  great  Congress  of 
Zemstvo  leaders  at  Moscow  demanded  the 
immediate  convocation  of  a  national  assem- 
bly. In  August  a  decree  announced  the  estab- 
lishment of  a  consultative  Duma,  chosen  by 
indirect  election.  In  October  the  Tsar  felt 
himself  compelled  to  dismiss  Pobedonostseff 
and  Trepoff,  and  to  recall  Witte  with  the 
position  of  a  Prime  Minister.  The  first 
fruits  of  the  change  appeared  in  the  Manifesto 
of  October  30th,  which  promised  freedom  of 
conscience,  speech,  meeting,  and  association, 
a  wide  franchise,  a  veto  on  legislation,  and 
effective  control  over  the  acts  of  officials. 
The  Manifesto  satisfied  the  Conservative 


114          HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

reformers  who  followed  Shipoff,  the  head  of 
the  Moscow  Zemstvo,  and  who  were  hence- 
forth known  as  Octobrists. 

On  his  return  to  office  Witte  invited 
Shipoff  to  join  the  Ministry.  Shipoff  con- 
sented on  condition  that  the  Constitutional 
Democrats,  popularly  known  as  the  Cadets, 
who  followed  Professor  Miliukoff,  were  in- 
cluded. Witte  was  willing,  but  the  demands 
of  the  Cadets  threatened  the  prerogatives  of 
the  Tsar.  Another  storm  now  burst  over 
the  land.  Mutinies  broke  out  in  the  army 
and  the  fleet,  and  a  revolt  in  Moscow  was 
savagely  repressed.  Again  the  Government 
spoke  with  two  voices.  Durnovo,  the  Minis- 
ter of  the  Interior,  encouraged  brutal  re- 
prisals, and  incitements  to  riot  were  printed 
in  the  Government  offices  and  circulated  by 
the  fanatical  Union  of  the  Russian  People. 
From  the  other  camp  Witte  issued  a  decree 
conceding  something  like  universal  suffrage. 
When  the  elections  took  place  in  the  spring 
of  1906  the  reformers  obtained  an  over- 
whelming majority.  The  largest  party  in  the 
Duma  was  that  of  the  Cadets.  The  newly 
formed  Labour  Group,  representing  the 
peasantry,  came  next,  and  the  Octobrists 
only  numbered  about  fifty.  The  Extreme 
Right  was  scarcely  represented.  Witte  was 
succeeded  in  the  Premiership  by  Goremykin; 
but  the  leading  spirit  of  the  new  Ministry 


RUSSIA  115 

was  Stolypin,  who  had  won  his  spurs  in 
provincial  administration. 

In  reply  to  the  Speech  from  the  Throne 
the  Duma  boldly  demanded  control  over  the 
executive.  It  then  carried  a  vote  of  censure 
on  the  Ministry,  sent  a  Commission  to  report 
on  the  latest  pogrom,  and  introduced  a  Land 
Bill  incorporating  the  Labour  party's  princi- 
ple of  expropriation.  The  Tsar  again  invited 
the  leader  of  the  Octobrists  to  form  a  Minis- 
try, and  Shipoff  again  insisted  on  including 
the  Cadets.  But  the  Cadets  refused  to  join 
a  Coalition  Ministry.  It  was  now  a  choice 
between  Miliukoff  and  a  dissolution.  The 
Tsar  chose  the  latter,  appointed  Stolypin 
Premier,  and  broke  up  the  Duma  after  a 
session  of  three  months.  The  Cadets  and 
Labour  leaders  hurried  across  the  Finnish 
frontier  to  Viborg,  whence  they  issued  a 
Manifesto  calling  on  the  nation  neither  to 
pay  taxes  nor  grant  recruits  till  the  Duma 
was  restored. 

The  Viborg  Manifesto  was  a  blunder,  and 
Stolypin  set  to  work  with  great  energy  to 
strengthen  the  position  of  the  Government. 
Field  courts-martial  were  instituted  to  punish 
terrorists  and  suspects.  Tens  of  thousands 
were  banished  without  trial,  and  the  prisons 
were  crowded.  Yet,  despite  wholesale  in- 
timidation, the  elections  to  the  second  Duma, 
held  early  in  1907,  gave  almost  the  same 


116          HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

result  as  in  the  first.  The  Cadets  again 
dominated  the  assembly;  but  this  time  their 
main  endeavour  was  to  avoid  a  pretext  for 
dissolution.  The  defensive  policy  succeeded 
no  better  than  the  offensive.  The  Socialists 
were  charged  with  conspiracy,  and  Stolypin 
demanded  their  exclusion.  The  Duma  ap- 
pointed a  Committee  to  examine  the  evi- 
dence; but  without  waiting  for  the  report 
the  Government  dissolved  the  assembly. 

Reaction  now  ruled  unchecked.  The 
Socialists  were  tried  behind  closed  doors 
and  sent  to  Siberia.  The  signatories  of 
the  Viborg  Manifesto  were  sentenced  to  im- 
prisonment. Hundreds  were  executed  for 
offences  committed  two  or  three  years  before, 
and  scoundrels  convicted  of  organising  po- 
groms were  pardoned  by  the  Tsar.  On  the 
other  side,  murders  of  officials  and  police 
were  of  constant  occurrence.  A  restricted 
franchise  had  been  announced  after  the  dis- 
solution of  the  second  Duma,  and  the  elec- 
tions for  the  third  were  held  in  the  autumn. 
The  new  House  was  chiefly  composed  of  land- 
owners. The  largest  party  was  the  Octo- 
brists,  whose  leader,  Guchkoff,  dominated 
the  third  Duma  as  Miliukoff  had  dominated 
its  predecessors.  Stolypin  had  at  last  pro- 
cured the  tame  assembly  that  he  sought; 
but  even  the  third  Duma  was  better  than 
none.  The  record  crops  of  1909  and  1910 


RUSSIA  117 

at  last  balanced  the  budget  and  gave  new 
confidence  to  agriculture.  The  main  legisla- 
tive effort  of  Stolypin  has  been  to  enable 
the  peasantry  to  become  owners  of  their 
land.  In  1906  the  Premier  issued  decrees, 
which  after  prolonged  discussion  were  em- 
bodied in  a  statute  in  1910.  The  law  gives 
the  peasant  the  right  to  claim  his  holding  in 
individual  possession  and  in  a  single  plot,  and 
empowers  the  Commune  to  substitute  pri- 
vate for  communal  ownership.  The  ulti- 
mate effect  of  this  far-reaching  change,  which 
shatters  the  structure  of  rural  life,  it  is  too 
early  to  predict.  But  the  Mir  has  received 
its  death-blow. 

In  addition  to  the  internal  movement  for 
reform  the  Government  has  been  increasingly 
occupied  with  the  outlying  nationalities. 
On  the  transference  of  Finland  from  Sweden 
in  1809  Alexander  I  solemnly  guaranteed 
its  constitutional  rights,  which  have  been 
confirmed  by  his  successors.  Affairs  of  State 
were  controlled  by  the  Diet  and  Senate.  The 
conditions  of  military  service  were  light,  and 
the  army  remained  within  the  limits  of  the 
country.  While  Russia  was  sunk  in  bar- 
barism and  misery,  Finland  presented  a 
spectacle  of  liberty,  culture,  and  prosperity. 
Towards  the  end  of  the  reign  of  Alexander  III 
encroachments  began  to  be  made;  and  with 
the  appointment  of  Bobrikoff  as  Governor- 


118          HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

General  in  1898  a  systematic  attack  began. 
In  1899  the  Diet  was  invited  to  make  Fin- 
land a  military  district  of  Russia.  The  Finns, 
while  agreeing  to  increase  the  army,  re- 
jected the  proposal  to  merge  it;  but  the 
change  was  none  the  less  carried  through 
by  Kuropatkin,  the  Minister  of  War.  In 
the  same  year  it  was  announced  that  Finnish 
Bills  need  only  be  submitted  to  the  Diet  if 
they  concerned  Finland  alone.  The  postal 
system  was  amalgamated  with  that  of  Russia, 
the  censorship  was  tightened,  and  Russian 
police  were  introduced.  These  steps  were  at 
first  met  by  passive  resistance;  but  in  1904 
Bobrikoff  was  assassinated.  When  a  national 
strike  broke  out  in  1905  the  Tsar  promised 
to  restore  Finnish  liberties  and  to  grant 
universal  suffrage.  The  new  Diet  met  in 
1907,  but  was  dissolved  in  1908.  Stolypin 
issued  an  ordinance  transferring  the  control 
of  all  matters  which  concerned  the  whole 
Empire  to  the  Russian  Ministry  and  abrogat- 
ing the  right  of  the  Secretary  for  Finland  to 
report  to  the  Tsar.  By  these  and  further 
measures  passed  in  1910  the  independence  of 
the  Grand  Duchy  has  been  imperilled.  Finns 
and  Swedes,  Conservatives  and  Socialists,  are 
united  in  defence  of  constitutional  rights 
which  have  been  pronounced  indefeasible  by 
the  leading  jurists  of  Europe. 
The  attack  on  Polish  autonomy  began 


RUSSIA  119 

after  the  insurrection  of  1863,  and  the  whole 
country  was  ruthlessly  Russianised.  Social- 
ism arose  with  the  great  industrial  develop- 
ment of  the  last  two  decades  of  the  century, 
and  for  a  time  there  was  talk  of  an  armed 
rising;  but  from  1901  the  leading  parties 
have  combined  in  an  attempt  to  obtain  such 
a  measure  of  autonomy  as  Galicia  has 
long  enjoyed.  In  the  first  two  Dumas  the 
Poles  worked  with  the  Cadets  and  the  Labour 
group.  But  though  reformers  of  all  schools 
urged  the  importance  of  a  contented  Poland, 
pacification  is  still  far  off.  The  Baltic  prov- 
inces have  been  subjected  in  like  manner 
to  the  steam-roller  policy.  In  1885  Russian 
became  the  official  language.  The  names  of 
places  were  changed,  German  has  been  for- 
bidden in  the  schools  and  in  the  University 
of  Dorpat,  Lutheranism  has  been  frowned 
on,  local  self-government  swept  away,  and 
the  press  placed  under  Russian  censorship. 
Yet  concerted  opposition  was  impossible, 
as  the  nobles  and  commercial  class  are 
German,  while  the  peasantry  are  Letts. 
When  the  years  of  confusion  began  in  1905, 
the  Letts  struck  at  the  German  landowners 
no  less  than  at  the  Russian  Government; 
but  the  movement  was  drowned  in  blood. 
Nicholas  has  proved  himself  as  incompetent 
to  conciliate  the  outlying  races  as  to  content 
his  Russian  subjects. 


120          HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

n 

The  Treaty  of  Berlin,  while  diminishing  the 
possessions  of  the  Sultan  in  the  Balkan 
peninsula,  left  abundant  material  for  future 
disturbance;  and  the  history  of  the  years 
that  have  followed  is  the  record  of  the  at- 
tempts of  his  Christian  subjects  to  complete 
their  emancipation.  The  first  step  was  taken 
in  1885.  Though  the  Treaty  of  San  Stefano 
had  given  Bulgaria  the  major  part  of  Mace- 
donia, the  Berlin  Congress  confined  her  to 
the  north  of  the  Balkan  Mountains,  and  re- 
placed Eastern  Roumelia  under  the  Sultan, 
endowing  it  with  a  Constitution  and  a 
Governor-General.  But  the  desire  for  union 
was  too  strong  for  treaties.  The  Governor- 
General  was  seized,  and  Prince  Alexander 
of  Battenberg  marched  south  to  Philippopolis. 
The  Sultan  loudly  protested,  and  the  Tsar 
recalled  his  officers;  but  when  Salisbury 
approved  the  union  the  danger  of  war  passed 
away.  The  bloodless  triumph  of  Bulgaria 
whetted  the  appetite  of  Servia.  Prince 
Milan,  of  the  house  of  Obrenovich,  assumed 
the  royal  title  in  1882;  but  the  King  was 
unpopular,  while  the  Karageorgevich  Pre- 
tender was  waiting  his  opportunity.  In  the 
hope  of  strengthening  his  throne,  Milan 
declared  war  against  Bulgaria.  The  Bul- 
garian army  was  weakened  by  the  with- 


THE  NEAR  EAST  121 

drawal  of  its  Russian  officers;  but  Alexander 
led  his  troops  to  victory  at  Slivnitsa.  When 
the  road  to  Belgrade  lay  open,  Austria 
stopped  his  advance  by  an  ultimatum.  The 
struggle  was  over  in  a  fortnight. 

Bulgaria  had  won  a  province  and  a  battle; 
but  her  ruler  paid  dearly  for  his  triumphs. 
Some  pro-Russian  officers  forced  their  way 
into  the  palace  at  night,  compelled  the  Prince 
to  abdicate  and  hurried  him  over  the  bor- 
der into  Russian  territory.  A  Provisional 
Government  was  formed;  but  Stambuloff, 
the  leader  of  the  anti-Russian  army,  appealed 
to  national  sentiment,  dissolved  the  Govern- 
ment, and  invited  the  Prince  to  return.  A 
fortnight  later  Alexander,  who  had  been 
released  by  order  of  the  Tsar,  re-entered  Sofia; 
but  he  had  lost  his  nerve.  He  telegraphed  a 
submissive  message  to  St.  Petersburg,  and,  on 
the  arrival  of  an  unfriendly  reply,  abdicated 
and  left  the  country  for  ever.  For  six  months 
the  throne  was  in  the  market;  and  when 
Ferdinand,  a  younger  son  of  the  Prince  of 
Saxe-Coburg  and  a  grandson  of  Louis  Phi- 
lippe, was  chosen,  the  Tsar  refused  to  recog- 
nise him.  The  new  Prince,  though  lacking 
the  military  instincts  and  popular  gifts  of  his 
predecessor,  was  an  able  diplomatist;  but 
the  real  ruler  of  Bulgaria  was  Stambuloff, 
the  most  commanding  personality  that  the 
young  Balkan  States  have  produced.  Though 


122          HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

his  policy  was  generally  supported  by  the 
country,  the  Prince  regarded  it  with  less 
favour.  His  marriage  in  1893  and  the  birth 
of  an  heir  increased  his  desire  for  Russian 
recognition.  Stambuloff  was  forced  to  re- 
sign, and  in  1895  he  was  murdered  in  the 
streets  of  Sofia.  In  1896  the  baby  Prince 
Boris  was  converted  to  the  Greek  Church,  and 
Ferdinand  was  recognised  at  St.  Petersburg. 
While  Bulgaria  was  growing  in  strength  and 
prosperity,  Servia  was  condemned  to  witness 
a  series  of  unedifying  quarrels  in  the  royal 
family.  The  King  and  Queen  had  married 
for  love  as  boy  and  girl;  but  Milan's  affec- 
tions were  quickly  transferred  to  other  ladies. 
Further,  the  King  leaned  to  Austria,  while 
Natalie  was  a  Russian.  Milan  obtained  a 
divorce  in  1889,  and  immediately  afterwards 
abdicated  in  favour  of  his  only  son,  Alexander, 
a  lad  of  thirteen.  Four  years  later  the 
young  King  suddenly  proclaimed  himself  of 
age,  and  abolished  the  democratic  constitu- 
tion granted  by  his  father  in  1889.  Though 
Milan  returned  to  Belgrade  as  Commander- 
in-Chief  and  Natalie  occasionally  visited  her 
son,  Alexander  followed  his  own  counsel,  and 
in  1900  married  Draga  Mashin,  a  woman  of 
humble  birth  and  doubtful  character.  No 
children  were  born,  and  the  Queen  was  sus- 
pected of  plotting  to  secure  the  succession 
for  one  of  her  brothers.  To  stem  the  tide  of 


THE  NEAR  EAST  123 

discontent  the  King  granted  a  more  liberal 
Constitution  in  1901,  but  in  1903  he  withdrew 
it.  Two  months  later  the  royal  couple  were 
brutally  murdered  in  their  palace  by  officers 
led  by  Colonel  Mashin,  brother  of  Draga's 
first  husband.  As  Milan  had  died  in  1901 
and  the  direct  Obrenovich  line  was  extinct, 
Peter  Karageorgevich,  who  had  spent  his 
life  in  exile,  ascended  the  throne  without  oppo- 
sition. The  new  King  was  boycotted  by  most 
of  the  Powers  till  1906,  when  the  chief  mur- 
derers retired.  Commerce  was  gravely  prej- 
udiced by  a  tariff  war  with  Austria,  and  the 
Crown  Prince  George  kept  the  country  in  a 
ferment  till  he  was  persuaded  to  resign  the 
succession. 

For  several  years  after  the  Treaty  of  Berlin 
the  career  of  Turkey  was  uneventful.  Abdul 
Hamid  had  gathered  the  reins  of  government 
into  his  own  hand,  obscurantism  brooded 
over  the  land,  and  the  finances  sank  into  ever 
deeper  confusion.  The  chief  sufferers  were 
the  Christians  of  Asia  Minor  and  Macedonia. 
The  Armenians  had  petitioned  the  Congress  of 
Berlin  for  a  Christian  Governor,  but  had 
obtained  nothing  more  than  a  promise  of 
reforms.  The  reforms  remained  a  dead  let- 
ter, and  in  1894  the  savage  Kurds,  aided  by 
Turkish  troops,  butchered  thousands  of  all 
ages.  The  Powers  compelled  the  Sultan  to 
grant  a  Commission  of  Inquiry,  and  presented 


124          HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

a  scheme  of  reform  which  was  readily  ac- 
cepted. While  these  futile  proceedings  were 
taking  place,  massacres  broke  out  again  in 
the  autumn  of  1895.  In  the  following  year 
a  band  of  desperate  Armenians  seized  the 
Ottoman  Bank  in  Constantinople.  The 
Sultan  now  threw  aside  all  concealment,  and 
for  two  days  they  were  slaughtered  by 
thousands  in  the  streets  of  the  capital.  A 
shudder  ran  through  Europe;  but  the  Powers 
were  disunited,  and  the  Great  Assassin 
remained  unpunished. 

Meanwhile  attention  was  attracted  to  an- 
other part  of  the  Sultan's  dominions.  The 
Constitution  granted  to  Crete  in  1868  had 
been  supplemented  by  the  Pact  of  Halepa  in 
1878.  The  new  Charter  worked  fairly  well 
under  Greek  Governors  till  1889,  when  a 
revolt  caused  the  Sultan  to  limit  the  powers 
of  the  Assembly  and  to  appoint  a  Mussul- 
man. Disturbances  continued,  and  in  1895 
a  Christian  Governor  was  again  selected. 
The  Mussulman  minority  showed  their  re- 
sentment by  attacks  on  the  Christians.  In 
February  1897  the  Christians  proclaimed 
union  with  Greece,  and  Colonel  Vassos  was 
sent  with  a  force  to  occupy  the  island  in  the 
King's  name.  The  Powers  in  vain  ordered 
Greece  to  withdraw  her  troops.  The  ad- 
mirals occupied  Canea,  and  when  the  insur- 
gents attacked  the  Turkish  troops  compelled 


THE  NEAR  EAST  125 

them  to  desist  by  a  bombardment.  Though 
King  George  had  no  desire  for  a  conflict, 
armed  bands  crossed  the  northern  frontier, 
and  Turkey  at  once  declared  war.  The 
Greek  army  was  utterly  unprepared  and 
badly  led,  while  the  Turks  had  been  drilled 
by  German  instructors.  The  Greek  fleet  dis- 
played a  masterly  inactivity,  and  when  the 
troops  of  the  Crown  Prince  fled  from  Larissa, 
the  Athenian  populace  threatened  the  palace. 
The  Powers  intervened,  an  armistice  was 
arranged,  and  the  troops  returned  from  Crete. 
The  treaty  of  peace  restored  Thessaly  to 
Greece  with  the  exception  of  some  strategic 
positions,  but  imposed  an  indemnity  of  four 
millions  with  European  control  of  her  debt. 

Though  Greece  was  ignominiously  defeated 
Turkish  rule  in  Crete  was  not  restored.  In 
1898  a  wholesale  massacre  of  Christians 
occurred,  British  subjects  were  attacked  in 
the  harbour  of  Candia  and  the  vice-consul 
was  murdered.  The  British  admiral  at  once 
bombarded  the  town,  and  insisted  on  the 
removal  of  the  Turkish  troops.  The  Sultan 
yielded,  and  in  a  few  weeks  a  solitary  Turkish 
flag  betokened  his  suzerainty.  Prince  George 
of  Greece  was  appointed  for  three  years  as 
High  Commissioner  of  the  Powers,  a  con- 
stitution was  drawn  up,  and  for  some  years 
the  island  enjoyed  peace.  In  1904  the 
Christians  began  to  quarrel  among  them- 


126          HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

selves,  and  Venezelos,  the  leader  of  the 
Opposition,  took  to  the  mountains  and  pro- 
claimed union  with  Greece.  The  winter 
cold  compelled  him  to  surrender,  but  in 
1906  Prince  George  resigned  his  post  in 
disgust,  his  place  being  taken  by  Zaimis,  an 
experienced  Greek  politician. 

After  the  loss  of  Crete  the  Sultan  was  con- 
fronted by  a  still  more  difficult  problem  in 
Macedonia,  which,  like  Armenia,  had  never 
obtained  the  reforms  guaranteed  by  the 
Treaty  of  Berlin.  The  sorely  tried  Chris- 
tians looked  to  the  surrounding  States  for 
sympathy  and  support.  Greece,  Bulgaria, 
and  Servia  responded  by  a  vigorous  racial 
propaganda,  while  Roumania  interested  her- 
self in  the  Vlachs.  The  feuds  were  compli- 
cated by  difference  of  religious  allegiance. 
For  centuries  the  Balkan  Christians  had 
looked  to  the  Greek  Patriarch  at  Con- 
stantinople; but  in  1870  the  Sultan  had 
created  a  Bulgarian  Exarch,  and  Patriarch- 
ists  and  Exarchists  have  ever  since  fought 
the  battle  of  Greek  and  Bulgarian  claims  in 
Macedonia. 

In  1899  the  Macedonian  Committee  at 
Sofia  appealed  to  the  Powers  to  create  an 
autonomous  Macedonia  under  a  Bulgarian 
Governor-General,  and  shortly  after  Bulga- 
rian bands  crossed  the  frontier.  Greece  and 
Servia  followed  suit,  and  the  ravages  of 


THE  NEAR  EAST  127 

roving  bands  were  added  to  the  torments  of 
Turkish  misrule.  Austria  and  Russia  drew 
up  a  scheme  of  reform  in  February  1903, 
providing  for  an  Inspector-General  and  the 
reorganisation  of  the  gendarmerie  by  foreign 
officers.  The  Sultan  accepted  the  scheme; 
but  the  disorder  increased,  and  the  Bulga- 
rian bands  organised  a  fruitless  insurrection. 
In  the  autumn  the  Emperors  drew  up  a  re- 
vised edition  of  their  programme.  The  two 
Powers  attached  Civil  Agents  to  Hilmi,  the 
Inspector-General,  the  gendarmerie  was 
placed  under  the  command  of  an  Italian 
General,  and  the  greater  part  of  Macedonia 
was  divided  up  into  sections  under  the  super- 
vision of  officers  of  all  the  Great  Powers 
except  Germany.  But  the  elaborate  machin- 
ery was  useless,  as  the  foreign  officials  and 
officers  possessed  no  executive  power.  In 
1905  the  Sultan  was  compelled  by  a  naval 
demonstration  to  permit  the  establishment 
of  a  Financial  Commission;  but  the  ravages 
of  the  bands  continued. 

In  July  1908  the  situation  in  the  Near 
East  suddenly  underwent  a  dramatic  trans- 
formation. The  Young  Turks,  who  had 
long  preached  reform  from  London  and 
Paris,  had  been  recently  working  at  terrible 
risk  among  the  troops.  On  the  one  hand, 
they  pointed  to  the  intolerable  corruption 
and  tyranny  of  the  Sultan's  regime;  on  the 


19S          HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

other,  they  declared  that  the  anarchy  of 
Macedonia  must  inevitably  lead  to  further 
intervention,  culminating  in  the  partition 
of  Turkey.  The  propaganda  had  been  car- 
ried far  and  wide  before  the  Sultan  heard  of 
it;  and  when  he  prepared  to  strike  the 
leaders  proclaimed  the  Constitution  of  1876 
and  threatened  to  march  on  Constantinople. 
The  Sultan  yielded  in  panic,  the  warring 
races  and  churches  joined  in  celebrating 
the  downfall  of  their  common  enemy,  and  a 
Parliament  modelled  on  that  of  Midhat  met 
in  the  autumn. 

The  honeymoon  was  brief,  and  the  first 
shock  came  from  abroad.  In  October, 
Prince  Ferdinand  of  Bulgaria  threw  off 
the  over-lordship  of  Turkey,  and  Austria- 
Hungary  annexed  Bosnia  and  Herzegovina. 
The  Young  Turks,  indignant  though  they 
were,  bowed  to  the  inevitable  and  accepted  a 
financial  indemnity  from  both  Powers.  A 
more  serious  danger  revealed  itself  during 
the  winter  in  divisions  among  the  enemies 
of  the  old  regime.  The  Committee  of  Union 
and  Progress,  which  had  organised  the  rev- 
olution and  directed  the  new  Government 
from  Salonika,  irritated  the  nationalities 
by  a  rigorous  policy  of  centralisation.  The 
quarrels  of  the  reformers  were  the  Sultan's 
opportunity.  In  April  1909  a  revolution 
broke  out  in  Constantinople,  and  the  Young 


THE  NEAR  EAST  129 

Turks  fled  for  their  lives.  But  the  Mace- 
donian troops  remained  loyal  to  the  Con- 
stitution, and  within  a  fortnight  Shevket 
Pasha  fought  his  way  into  the  capital.  Abdul 
Hamid  was  deposed,  and  his  brother  was 
brought  forth  from  his  gilded  cage  to  fill  the 
Ottoman  throne.  The  victory  of  the  Young 
Turks  was  decisive;  but  the  warning  was 
thrown  away.  Large  sums  were  spent  on 
the  army  and  navy,  the  inhabitants  of 
Macedonia  roughly  disarmed,  and  Albania 
goaded  into  revolt.  The  authors  of  a  hideous 
massacre  of  Armenians  at  Adana  remained 
virtually  unpunished.  Though  they  have 
proved  themselves  more  efficient  rulers  than 
Abdul  Hamid,  the  Young  Turks  have  dis- 
appointed the  hopes  once  inspired  by  their 
bravery  and  moderation.  Their  ideal  is 
rather  that  of  a  highly  centralised  military 
State  than  a  reforming  regime  inviting  the 
co-operation  of  diverse  creeds  and  races. 

When  Ferdinand  and  Francis  Joseph  tore 
up  the  Treaty  of  Berlin,  Crete  followed  suit 
by  proclaiming  union  with  Greece.  Though 
King  George  refused  to  respond,  he  earned 
no  gratitude  at  Constantinople.  A  boycott 
of  Greek  goods  was  organised,  and  Turkish 
chauvinism  brought  the  countries  to  the 
verge  of  war.  The  failure  to  extract  advan- 
tages for  Greece  led  to  a  movement  for 
national  reorganisation,  headed  by  the  army. 


130          HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

For  months  the  dynasty  was  in  danger  and 
Athens  was  dominated  by  the  Military 
League,  which  only  dissolved  on  the  meeting 
of  a  National  Assembly  at  the  end  of  1910. 
The  arrival  of  Venezelos  from  Crete  has 
given  Greece  the  guidance  of  the  first  strong 
and  statesmanlike  hand  she  has  felt  since 
the  death  of  Tricoupis. 

Happy  are  the  Balkan  States  that  have 
no  history.  Roumania  has  made  progress 
under  her  Hohenzollern  ruler,  King  Charles, 
and  his  gifted  wife,  Carmen  Sylva,  inter- 
rupted only  by  outbursts  of  agrarian  dis- 
content. Montenegro,  the  home  of  warriors, 
can  also  look  back  on  a  generation  of  un- 
broken peace  under  the  patriarchal  sway  of 
Nicholas,  who  granted  parliamentary  insti- 
tutions in  1905  and  celebrated  the  jubilee  of 
his  reign  in  1910  by  assuming  the  royal 
title. 


CHAPTER  VI 

THE   BALANCE   OF   POWEB 

THE  present  grouping  of  the  Great  Powers 
is  mainly  the  result  of  the  Franco-German 
War.  So  long  as  Bismarck  was  at  the  helm 
Europe  was  dominated  by  the  newly  founded 
Empire;  but  the  last  two  decades  have  wit- 
nessed a  gradual  return  to  the  equilibrium 
which  is  the  normal  condition  of  European 
politics. 

Throughout  the  conflict  of  1870  Bismarck 
was  tortured  by  the  fear  of  a  coalition;  and 
when  France  was  beaten  the  task  of  his  life 
was  to  keep  her  in  quarantine.  Even  before 
the  war  was  over  he  aimed  at  an  alliance 
with  Russia  and  Austria.  Alexander  II  was 
the  nephew  of  the  Emperor  William,  and  the 
relations  of  the  two  Courts  were  cordial. 
When  the  struggle  began  Bismarck  secretly 
encouraged  Russia  to  tear  up  the  restrictions 
on  her  right  to  keep  warships  in  the  Black 
Sea.  An  alliance  with  Austria  might  seem 
less  easy  to  accomplish;  but  it  was  not 
impossible.  Bismarck  had  insisted  on  taking 

131 


132          HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

no  territory  from  the  conquered  party  in 
1866.  Though  Napoleon  III  expected  Aus- 
trian assistance  in  his  time  of  need,  Francis 
Joseph  stood  aside,  chiefly  owing  to  a  fear 
that  Russia  might  also  join  in  the  fray. 
The  anti-Prussian  Beust  was  dismissed  in 
1871,  and  in  1872  the  three  Emperors  met  at 
Berlin.  No  written  agreement  was  con- 
cluded, but  it  was  decided  to  consult  each 
other  in  international  affairs. 

Bismarck  supported  the  Republic  in  France 
on  the  double  ground  that  it  would  be  weaker 
and  less  likely  to  attract  allies  than  a  mon- 
archy; but  when  she  increased  her  army  in 
1875,  Moltke  demanded  a  second  war. 
France  appealed  to  Russia,  the  Tsar  and 
Gortschakoff  hastened  to  Berlin,  and  Queen 
Victoria  wrote  to  the  Emperor  William.  The 
danger  was  averted;  but  the  intervention  of 
Russia  left  an  unpleasant  impression  on  Bis- 
marck's mind.  When  Austria  and  Great 
Britain  declared  that  the  settlement  of  the 
Near  East  after  the  Russo-Turkish  War  was 
a  matter  for  Europe  as  a  whole,  Bismarck 
offered  himself  as  an  "honest  broker"  and 
presided  over  the  Congress  of  Berlin  not  as 
a  friend  of  Russia  but  as  an  arbiter.  Big 
Bulgaria,  in  which  Russian  influence  would 
be  supreme,  was  vetoed,  while  Austria,  which 
had  taken  no  part  in  the  struggle,  was  pre- 
sented with  Bosnia  and  Herzegovina.  The 


THE  BALANCE  OF  POWER        183 

pride  of  Gortschakoff  and  his  master,  who 
expected  some  return  for  their  benevolent 
neutrality  in  1870,  was  deeply  wounded. 
Katkoff  denounced  Bismarck  in  the  Moscow 
Gazette,  and  the  massing  of  Russian  troops 
on  the  German  frontier  seemed  to  bring  war 
within  sight.  William  tried  to  soothe  his 
nephew  by  an  interview;  but  Bismarck  went 
to  Vienna  and  brought  home  a  treaty,  the 
assent  of  the  Emperor  being  secured  by  a 
threat  of  resignation.  The  Dual  Alliance 
concluded  in  1879,  but  not  published  till 
1888,  bound  the  signatories  to  support  each 
other  if  attacked  by  Russia.  If  one  was 
attacked  by  any  other  Power,  the  other 
should  remain  neutral;  but  if  the  enemy  were 
supported  by  Russia,  the  other  was  bound  to 
assist.  The  alliance  was  welcomed  in  both 
countries  as  a  complete  safeguard  against  a 
Russian  attack,  and  Germany  was  secured 
against  a  Franco-Russian  onslaught.  The 
pact  closed  the  chapter  of  strife  and  es- 
trangement between  men  of  German  blood, 
and  healed  the  wounds  of  Sadowa. 

The  Dual  Alliance  marks  the  beginning 
of  the  definite  division  of  Europe  into  two 
camps.  Three  years  later  the  adhesion  of 
Italy  created  the  Triple  Alliance.  Though 
Italy  had  combined  with  Prussia  in  1866  to 
attack  Austria,  her  sympathies  in  1870  were 
with  France.  But  the  French  Republic  in 


1S4          HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

its  early  years  was  governed  by  men  who 
resented  the  loss  of  the  Temporal  Power, 
and  for  some  years  a  French  ship  lay  at 
Civita  Vecchia  at  the  disposal  of  the  Pope, 
as  a  mute  protest  against  the  occupation  of 
Rome.  The  danger  of  intervention  passed 
away  when  Gambetta  repulsed  the  mon- 
archical attack  in  1877;  but  another  cause 
of  friction  soon  appeared.  Knowing  Italy's 
ambitions,  Bismarck  seized  the  opportunity 
of  the  Congress  of  Berlin  to  suggest  to  Wad- 
dington,  the  French  representative,  the  oc- 
cupation of  Tunis.  A  similar  encouragement 
came  from  Great  Britain  as  the  price  of 
French  acquiescence  in  the  acquisition  of 
Cyprus.  Backed  by  these  sponsors  France 
established  a  protectorate  in  1881.  Italy 
seethed  with  indignation,  and  if  she  had 
continued  to  stand  alone  a  war  with  France 
might  easily  have  arisen.  An  alliance  seemed 
essential  to  national  security,  and  she  became 
the  ally  of  Germany  and  Austria  for  five 
years.  Despite  the  huge  increase  of  ex- 
penditure on  armaments  that  it  involved, 
the  alliance  was  renewed  in  1887  and  has 
remained  to  this  day. 

The  formation  of  the  Triple  Alliance  was 
a  further  step  towards  Bismarck's  ideal  of  a 
friendless  France.  As  England  was  known 
never  to  enter  into  alliances,  the  only  Power 
to  whom  the  Republic  could  look  was  Russia. 


THE  BALANCE  OF  POWER        135 

Accordingly  Bismarck  exerted  himself  to  the 
utmost  to  restore  friendly  relations  with  St. 
Petersburg.  The  accession  of  Alexander  III 
in  1881  brought  to  the  throne  a  ruler  whose 
dislike  of  Germany  was  notorious,  but  whose 
love  of  peace  was  sincere  and  whose  fear  of 
revolution  amounted  to  a  mania.  In  1884 
the  three  Emperors  bound  themselves  for 
three  years  to  benevolent  neutrality  in  the 
event  of  any  one  of  them  attacking  or  being 
attacked  by  another  Power.  Thus  at  last 
France  was  completely  isolated.  But  in  the 
following  year  the  union  of  Eastern  Roumelia 
with  Bulgaria  led  to  differences  between 
Russia  and  the  Central  Powers,  and  in  1887 
the  Tsar  determined  to  withdraw  from  the 
entente.  Bismarck,  however,  persuaded  him 
to  renew  the  bond  with  Germany  for  three 
years  more,  doing  his  best  in  return  to 
convince  Russia  of  his  goodwill.  When  a 
daughter  of  the  Emperor  Frederick  desired 
in  1888  to  marry  Alexander  of  Battenberg, 
sometime  Prince  of  Bulgaria,  he  compelled 
the  parents  under  threat  of  resignation  to 
break  off  the  match.  Yet  the  Tsar  remained 
convinced  that  Germany  could  not  be  relied 
upon,  and  before  the  expiry  of  the  three 
years  for  which  the  "reinsurance  treaty" 
held  good  he  had  resolved  not  to  renew  it. 

The  fall   of   Bismarck   in   1890   was   the 
signal  rather  than  the  cause  of  a  great  trans- 


130          HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

formation  in  European  politics.  For  twenty 
years  he  had  kept  France  in  isolation.  He 
had  often  declared  that  since  1870  Germany 
was  "satiated."  William  II,  on  the  other 
hand,  dreamed  of  territorial  expansion,  and, 
trusting  in  the  Triple  Alliance,  made  no 
attempt  to  renew  the  treaty  with  Alexander. 
Thus  Russia,  no  longer  pressed  or  bribed  by 
Germany,  was  at  last  free  to  take  the  mo- 
mentous step  to  which  she  had  long  been 
gravitating. 

In  1870  the  sympathies  of  the  Russian 
Government  had  been  with  Germany,  for 
Louis  Napoleon's  share  in  the  Crimean  War 
and  his  championship  of  Poland  in  1863  were 
not  forgotten.  But  the  German  and  Russian 
peoples  have  always  disliked  each  other,  and 
Alexander  II  had  no  desire  to  see  Germany 
dominate  the  Continent.  The  intervention 
of  1875  may  be  regarded  as  the  first  step 
towards  the  Franco-Russian  alliance.  After 
the  rebuff  inflicted  by  the  Treaty  of  Berlin 
many  Russian  publicists  advocated  an  alli- 
ance; yet  the  Tsar  was  unconvinced,  and 
Grevy,  Gambetta  and  the  majority  of  French 
statesmen  were  strongly  anti-Russian.  But 
events  were  stronger  than  individuals.  In 
April,  1887,  when  France  and  Germany  were 
brought  to  the  verge  of  war  by  the  arrest 
of  Schnaebele,  who  had  crossed  the  frontier 
for  a  discussion  with  a  German  functionary, 


THE  BALANCE  OF  POWER        137 

the  Tsar  sent  an  autograph  letter  to  the 
Emperor,  who  ordered  the  instant  release 
of  the  prisoner.  In  1888  the  first  Russian 
loan  was  placed  on  the  French  market.  In 
1890  Russian  nihilists  were  arrested  in  Paris 
while  engaged  in  the  preparation  of  bombs, 
and  the  plan  of  a  visit  of  the  French  fleet 
to  Russia  was  discussed.  In  1891  a  squadron 
visited  Cronstadt,  and  the  Tsar  listened 
bareheaded  to  the  "Marseillaise."  Europe 
was  startled  by  the  enthusiastic  welcome, 
and  Caprivi  declared  that  there  must  be  an 
alliance.  A  month  later  a  treaty  was  signed 
in  Paris  by  Ribot,  the  Foreign  Minister,  and 
Mohrenheim,  the  Russian  ambassador.  In 
the  following  year  a  military  convention  was 
drawn  up,  though  it  was  not  ratified  till 
1894.  A  Russian  squadron  visited  Toulon  in 
1893,  and  the  sailors  received  an  almost 
delirious  welcome.  In  1895  Ribot  spoke  of 
Russia  as  "our  ally"  in  the  Chamber.  In 
1896  the  new  Tsar  visited  France — the 
first  visit  of  a  crowned  head  to  the  Third 
Republic — and  received  an  immense  ovation. 
Finally,  in  1897,  Faure  returned  the  visit, 
and  the  alliance  was  at  last  proclaimed  by 
the  Tsar  in  the  famous  words,  "nations 
amies  et  alliees." 

Though  the  terms  of  the  treaty  have  never 
been  published  there  can  be  no  doubt  that 
Russia  is  pledged  to  support  her  ally  in  case 


138          HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

of  attack  by  Germany.  That  a  first  class 
Power  should  desire  an  alliance  was  an 
emphatic  recognition  that  France  had  re- 
covered from  her  defeat.  The  glaring  differ- 
ences of  political  institutions  and  ideas  were 
forgotten  in  the  satisfaction,  of  possessing 
a  powerful  friend.  On  the  Russian  side  the 
alliance  was  hailed  as  good  political  business. 
Her  plans  of  Asiatic  expansion  required  an 
assured  position  in  Europe,  and  demanded 
unlimited  capital,  which  thrifty  France  was 
ready  to  supply. 

The  Triple  Alliance  no  longer  dominated 
Europe  without  a  competitor;  but  the  old 
combination  was  stronger  than  the  new,  for 
Great  Britain  was  no  friend  either  of  Russia 
or  of  France.  She  had  joined  in  the  Crimean 
War  and  she  had  torn  up  the  treaty  of  San 
Stefano.  She  had  given  moral  support  to 
Bulgaria  during  the  crisis  of  1885.  She  had 
watched  the  Russian  advance  beyond  the 
Caspian  with  unconcealed  dislike,  and  the 
two  countries  had  been  brought  within  sight 
of  war  by  a  frontier  incident  at  Penjdeh  in 
1885.  Aggression  on  the  Pamirs  in  1891-2 
confirmed  the  belief  that  Russia  had  designs 
on  India  and  that  a  great  struggle  was 
inevitable.  The  scramble  for  China  which 
began  in  1897  added  a  new  source  of  friction, 
and  the  seizure  of  Port  Arthur  moved  Mr. 
Chamberlain  to  the  wrathful  exclamation, 


THE  BALANCE  OF  POWER        139 

"Who  sups  with  the  Devil  must  have  a  long 
spoon." 

With  France  there  was  a  much  older 
tradition  of  hostility,  and  the  era  of  French 
colonial  expansion,  inaugurated  by  Jules 
Ferry,  opened  up  a  boundless  vista  of  con- 
troversy. The  British  Government  pro- 
tested against  the  fortification  of  Bizerta,  and 
for  many  years  refused  to  surrender  its  rights 
under  the  Capitulations  in  Tunis.  A  long 
series  of  bickerings  occurred  in  relation  to 
Nigeria.  The  transportation  of  convicts  to 
New  Caledonia  was  hotly  resented  by  Aus- 
tralia, whither  many  escaped,  and  the  occu- 
pation of  the  New  Hebrides  was  contrary 
to  repeated  declarations.  A  French  attack 
on  Siam  in  support  of  her  claims  to  the  Me- 
kong river  brought  war  within  sight.  The 
ruthless  exclusion  of  British  trade  from  Mada- 
gascar when  the  island  was  annexed  in  1896 
excited  the  indignation  of  the  commercial 
world,  and  the  dispute  about  the  Newfound- 
land fisheries  remained  unsolved. 

Above  all,  the  British  occupation  of  Egypt, 
in  which  France  had  taken  a  peculiar  inter- 
est since  the  expedition  of  Napoleon,  pro- 
vided a  constant  source  of  irritation.  For 
some  years  France  comforted  herself  with  the 
belief  that  on  the  restoration  of  order  Britain 
would  withdraw,  in  accordance  with  her 
repeated  declarations;  but  by  the  irony  of 


140          HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

fate  the  last  chance  was  frustrated  by  her 
own  action.  In  1887  the  Wolff  Convention 
arranged  for  evacuation  within  three  years, 
subject  to  the  right  to  re-enter  if  the  interests 
of  the  bondholders  were  threatened.  Yield- 
ing to  the  representations  of  France  Abdul 
Hamid  refused  the  conditions.  A  few  years 
later  it  was  made  clear  that  no  limit  to  the 
occupation  was  contemplated.  In  1895  the 
British  Government  announced  that  it  would 
regard  an  attempt  by  another  Power  to  oc- 
cupy any  part  of  the  Nile  valley  as  an  un- 
friendly act;  and  in  1896  the  reconquest  of 
the  Sudan  was  commenced.  Despite  the 
Grey  declaration,  repeated  and  confirmed  by 
the  British  Ambassador  in  Paris  in  1897  and 
1898,  Captain  Marchand  was  dispatched 
from  the  French  Congo  in  1896  to  establish  a 
post  on  the  Upper  Nile.  He  reached  Fashoda 
in  July  1898;  but  after  the  battle  of  Omdur- 
man  Kitchener  marched  south  and  ordered 
the  force  to  retire.  The  dispute  was  referred 
to  Paris.  When  the  French  Government 
hesitated,  British  opinion  declared  itself  in 
uncompromising  tones,  and  war  was  only 
averted  by  unconditional  surrender.  Eng- 
land's loudly  expressed  disgust  at  the  treat- 
ment of  Dreyfus  increased  the  hostility, 
and  the  Boer  War  provided  France  with  an 
opportunity  of  retaliation  of  which  she 
hastened  to  avail  herself. 


THE  BALANCE  OF  POWER        141 

The  relations  of  Great  Britain  with  the 
members  of  the  Triple  Alliance,  on  the 
other  hand,  were  thoroughly  friendly.  Her 
sympathy  with  Italy  was  proverbial,  and  a 
secret  understanding  was  reached  in  1887 
guaranteeing  the  status  quo  in  the  Mediter- 
ranean. With  Austria,  in  like  manner,  there 
was  no  clash  of  interest  or  ambition.  With 
the  leading  member  of  the  Alliance  she  was 
closely  connected  by  ties  of  blood.  Bismarck 
was  friendly  and  accommodating,  and  con- 
sistently supported  the  British  position  on  the 
Nile,  remarking,  "In  Egypt  I  am  English." 
The  dispatch  of  a  congratulatory  telegram 
to  Kruger  after  the  repulse  of  the  Jameson 
Raid  created  momentary  indignation;  but 
allowances  were  made  for  the  impulsive 
temperament  of  its  author,  and  no  one 
regarded  it  as  an  indication  of  any  deep- 
seated  hostility.  At  the  outbreak  of  the  Boer 
War  Mr.  Chamberlain  pleaded  for  a  new 
Triple  Alliance  between  Great  Britain,  Ger- 
many, and  the  United  States,  and  at  the 
Lord  Mayor's  banquet  Salisbury  declared  the 
relations  of  the  two  countries  to  be  "every- 
thing we  could  desire." 

The  early  years  of  the  twentieth  century 
witnessed  a  gradual  alteration  of  the  balance 
of  forces,  resulting  in  the  transfer  of  support 
from  the  Triple  to  the  Dual  Alliance.  The 
three  main  steps  in  this  momentous  trans- 


142          HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

formation  were  the  reconciliation  of  Italy 
with  France,  of  France  with  England,  and  of 
England  with  Russia. 

The  quarrel  of  France  and  Italy,  which 
began  with  the  occupation  of  Tunis,  reached 
its  most  acute  stage  during  the  ministries  of 
Crispi.  A  tariff  war  began  in  1888,  and 
incidents  constantly  occurred  which  revealed 
and  intensified  ill-feeling.  In  1887  the 
Italian  police  violated  the  archives  of  the 
French  Consulate  at  Florence.  In  1888  the 
Italian  Commander  came  into  conflict  with 
French  subjects  at  Massowah.  In  1891  a 
French  pilgrim  inscribed  the  words  "Vive 
le  Roi-Pape"  near  the  tomb  of  Victor 
Emanuel.  In  1893  Italian  workmen  were 
killed  in  a  brawl  at  Aigues-Mortes,  and  the 
Roman  mob  retaliated  by  an  attack  on  the 
residence  of  the  French  Ambassador.  In 
1894  a  number  of  French  journalists  were 
expelled  from  Rome.  Indeed,  the  relations 
of  France  with  Italy  were  worse  than  with 
Germany.  But  there  had  always  been  a  party 
in  favour  of  friendly  relations,  and  after  the 
fall  of  Crispi  wiser  counsels  began  to  prevail. 
In  1896  Italy  recognised  the  French  position 
in  Tunis.  In  1898  a  commercial  treaty  ended 
the  tariff  war,  which  had  impoverished  both 
countries.  In  1901  France  announced  that 
she  would  not  oppose  Italian  claims  in 
Tripoli,  while  Italy  promised  France  a  free 


THE  BALANCE  OF  POWER        143 

hand  in  Morocco.  In  1903  the  King  of  Italy 
paid  an  official  visit  to  Paris,  and  the  seal  was 
set  to  the  reconciliation  when  President 
Loubet,  despite  the  thunders  of  the  Vatican, 
returned  the  visit  in  1904. 

The  second  step  towards  the  re-grouping 
of  the  Powers  was  taken  in  May  1903,  when 
King  Edward  VII  paid  his  first  official  visit 
to  Paris.  Though  the  anti-Dreyfusards  had 
fallen  from  power,  and  though  Delcasse  was 
more  friendly  than  Hanotaux,  France  was  in 
no  mood  to  make  advances  to  her  old  enemy. 
The  initiative  came  from  the  King  himself, 
who,  unlike  his  mother,  was  well  known  to 
be  a  sincere  admirer  of  the  Republic.  The 
position  of  Great  Britain  was  no  longer  what 
it  had  been.  So  long  as  she  could  rely  on 
the  friendliness  of  the  Triple  Alliance,  the 
enmity  of  France  and  Russia  was  not  very 
dangerous.  But  German  disapproval  of  the 
Boer  War  had  been  expressed  in  a  highly 
offensive  manner;  and  though  the  Emperor 
refused  to  see  Kruger  and  the  Boer  Generals, 
and  behaved  throughout  with  scrupulous 
correctness,  the  old  cordiality  completely 
disappeared.  At  the  end  of  1901  Mr.  Cham- 
berlain vehemently  protested  against  Ger- 
man attacks  on  the  British  troops,  and  re- 
called certain  features  of  the  campaign  of 
1870.  Billow  replied  in  the  Reichstag  that 
criticisms  of  the  German  army  were  like 


144          HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

attempts  to  bite  granite.  The  gulf  opened  by 
the  war  was  widened  by  the  refusal  of  the 
British  Government  to  assist  in  the  project 
of  the  Bagdad  railway,  and  by  the  obvious 
determination  of  Germany  to  become  a  great 
naval  Power. 

King  Edward  was  welcomed  in  Paris  with 
respect  if  not  with  enthusiasm,  and  the 
return  visit  paid  by  President  Loubet  in  July 
paved  the  way  for  a  further  interchange 
of  ideas.  Before  the  war  Mr.  Chamber- 
lain had  complained  of  a  policy  of  pinpricks, 
and  rudely  warned  France  to  mend  her  man- 
ners. The  countries  were  still  at  issue  on 
several  points;  but  the  elements  of  a  bar- 
gain were  present.  The  withdrawal  from 
Fashoda  left  France  nothing  to  fight  for  on 
the  Nile,  while  Great  Britain  possessed  no 
special  interests  in  Morocco,  to  which  France 
had  long  been  turning  her  eyes.  On  these 
foundations  a  treaty  was  framed,  France 
surrendering  all  claims  to  Egypt  and  under- 
taking not  to  press  for  the  termination  of 
the  occupation,  Great  Britain  according 
France  a  free  hand  in  Morocco.  Minor 
disputes  regarding  West  Africa,  Siam,  the 
New  Hebrides,  Madagascar,  and  Newfound- 
land were  amicably  arranged.  The  treaty, 
which  was  signed  in  April  1904,  was  wel- 
comed in  both  countries  not  only  as  a  settle- 
ment of  long-standing  differences  but  as 


THE  BALANCE  OF  POWER        145 

paving  the  way  for  friendly  co-operation. 
For  the  one  it  ended  a  period  of  political 
isolation  which  was  becoming  dangerous. 
To  the  other  it  brought  an  accession  of 
security  only  second  in  importance  to  the 
Russian  alliance.  That  Great  Britain  shortly 
after  undertook  to  render  assistance  to 
France  if  attacked  by  Germany  is  widely 
believed  in  spite  of  official  denials. 

France  had  gained  new  friends,  and  she 
was  soon  to  need  them.  On  the  eve  of  the 
signature  of  the  treaty,  Delcasse  informed 
the  German  Ambassador  in  Paris  of  its 
terms,  and  Prince  Radolin  pronounced  it 
to  be  "very  natural  and  perfectly  justified." 
On  its  publication  Billow  declared  in  the 
Reichstag  that  there  was  no  reason  to  sup- 
pose it  to  be  directed  against  any  Power,  and 
that  it  contained  nothing  prejudicial  to 
German  interests  in  Morocco,  which  were 
purely  commercial.  After  such  declarations 
the  French  Government  had  no  hesitation 
in  taking  the  next  step  forward.  In  October 
an  agreement  was  signed  with  Spain,  whom 
Delcasse  thus  associated  with  his  plans  of 
pacific  penetration.  As  Morocco  adjoined 
Algeria,  frontier  incidents  were  of  common 
occurrence.  Abdul-Aziz,  who  had  ascended 
the  throne  in  1894  at  the  age  of  sixteen,  was 
intelligent  enough  to  admire  the  outward 
trappings  of  European  civilisation  but  not  to 


146          HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

assimilate  its  spirit.  His  love  of  foreign  inven- 
tions irritated  his  people,  and  in  his  nerveless 
grasp  the  kingdom  fell  into  chaos.  Agree- 
ments with  France  in  1901  and  1902  pro- 
vided for  co-operation  in  the  maintenance 
of  order;  but  the  whole  country  needed 
reorganisation,  and  in  1904  he  was  presented 
with  a  bold  scheme  of  reforms  to  be  carried 
out  by  the  aid  of  French  loans. 

The  first  hint  of  trouble  came  from  the 
German  Minister  in  Morocco  in  the  early 
weeks  of  1905;  and  diplomatic  war  was 
declared  in  March  when  the  Emperor  landed 
from  his  yacht  at  Tangier,  and  announced 
that  the  Sultan  was  free  and  independent, 
that  it  would  be  unwise  to  hurry  reform, 
and  that  German  interests  would  be  safe- 
guarded. This  unexpected  outburst,  which 
virtually  promised  support  to  Morocco  in 
resisting  French  pressure,  was  followed  by  an 
invitation  to  a  Conference  on  the  Moroccan 
question.  The  proposal  was  a  direct  chal- 
lenge to  French  claims,  and  Delcasse  advised 
its  rejection.  The  Rouvier  Cabinet  refused  to 
run  risks,  and  the  Foreign  Minister,  who  had 
held  the  reins  for  seven  years,  was  forced 
to  resign.  His  fall  was  a  triumph  for  Ger- 
many, and  was  marked  by  the  elevation  of 
Billow  to  the  rank  of  Prince. 

The  resignation  of  Delcasse  was  a  second 
Fashoda.  French  resentment  was  the  keener 


THE  BALANCE  OF  POWER        147 

owing  to  the  conviction  that  Germany  had 
taken  advantage  of  the  temporary  paralysis 
of  her  ally.  The  attack  on  French  policy 
began  on  the  fall  of  Port  Arthur,  and  the 
Tangier  speech  was  delivered  after  the  re- 
verses in  Manchuria.  It  was  believed,  more- 
over, that  Morocco  was  only  the  occasion 
to  strike  at  the  entente  into  which  she  had 
lately  entered.  A  revulsion  of  feeling  set 
in,  and  large  sums  were  spent  on  preparing 
the  army  for  instant  war.  In  August  the 
Treaty  of  Portsmouth  allowed  Russia  to 
resume  her  part  in  European  politics.  Thus, 
when  the  Conference  met  at  Algeciras  in 
January  1906,  France  was  in  no  yielding 
mood.  Throughout  the  prolonged  discus- 
sions she  was  backed  by  Russia  and  Great 
Britain,  while  Italy  incurred  German  resent- 
ment by  her  obvious  friendliness.  The  United 
States  supported  her  on  the  merits  of  the 
case,  and  even  Austria  showed  a  disposition 
to  arrive  at  a  fair  compromise.  Thus  while 
the  submission  of  the  Moroccan  question 
to  the  European  areopagus  was  a  triumph 
for  Germany,  the  Conference  itself  dis- 
appointed her.  Though  the  integrity  of 
Morocco  was  secured,  France  and  Spain 
obtained  a  mandate  to  organise  a  police  force 
for  the  coast  towns,  and  France  was  allowed 
a  predominant  share  in  the  proposed  State 
bank.  In  1908  a  dangerous  quarrel  arising 


148          HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

out  of  the  arrest  of  German  deserters  at 
Casablanca  was  settled  by  the  Hague  Tribu- 
nal. Finally,  by  an  agreement  in  1909, 
Germany  recognised  the  special  political 
interest  of  France. 

The  entente  which  had  grown  out  of  the 
Treaty  of  1904  had  proved  itself  capable  of 
resisting  strain;  but  there  was  still  one  more 
step  to  be  taken  before  the  position  of  France 
could  be  regarded  as  satisfactory.  Her  ally 
and  her  friend  still  looked  askance  at  one 
another.  The  Russo-Japanese  War  had  pro- 
duced an  awkward  situation.  It  had  re- 
quired all  Delcasse's  tact  to  avoid  an  explo- 
sion when  the  Russians  fired  on  the  Hull 
fishermen,  while  a  new  danger  arose  when 
Japan  angrily  charged  France  with  assisting 
the  Russian  fleet  during  its  voyage  to  the 
Far  East.  But  the  common  support  of 
France  during  the  critical  months  at  Algeciras 
brought  Great  Britain  and  Russia  nearer 
together.  The  Tsar  had  begun  to  discuss  the 
questions  at  issue  with  Sir  Charles  Hardinge 
at  St.  Petersburg  in  1905,  and  Sir  Edward 
Grey  was  known  to  have  set  his  heart  on  an 
arrangement.  After  long  negotiations  a 
treaty  was  signed  in  August  1907,  defining 
the  respective  spheres  of  influence  in  Persia, 
recognising  the  right  of  Great  Britain  to 
control  the  foreign  policy  of  Afghanistan, 
and  pledging  both  parties  to  abstain  from 


THE  BALANCE  OF  POWER        149 

interference  in  Tibet.  The  Treaty  was 
sharply  attacked  by  one  school  of  critics  on 
the  ground  that  the  line  through  Persia  was 
unduly  favourable  to  Russia,  by  another  on 
the  ground  that  it  virtually  partitioned  the 
country,  and  that  co-operation  with  Russia 
was  indefensible.  In  reply  it  was  urged  that 
the  removal  of  the  fear  of  Russian  attack  on 
India  was  worth  some  sacrifices,  and  that  the 
Treaty  would  lead  to  mutual  support  in 
European  politics.  The  visit  of  King  Edward 
to  Reval  in  June  1908  revealed  such  cordial 
relations  between  the  two  Governments  that 
Germany  professed  to  discover  a  design  for 
her  isolation.  The  entente  was  further  con- 
solidated by  the  reconciliation  of  Russia 
and  France  with  Japan  on  the  basis  of  a 
recognition  of  the  status  quo  in  the  Far  East. 
A  few  months  after  the  Dual  Alliance  had 
expanded  into  the  Triple  Entente  the  waters 
of  European  diplomacy  were  once  more 
ruffled.  Though  Austria  and  Russia  had 
agreed  in  1897  to  work  together  in  the 
Balkans,  the  world  was  startled  in  February 
1908  by  an  announcement  that  the  Austro- 
Hungarian  Foreign  Minister  had  obtained 
permission  to  make  a  survey  for  the  con- 
struction of  a  railway  through  the  Sanjak  of 
Novibazar.  To  ask  or  accept  such  a  favour 
from  Turkey  at  a  time  when  the  only  hope  of 
Macedonian  reform  lay  in  unceasing  pressure 


150          HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

from  the  Concert  appeared  something  like 
treason.  Moreover,  it  opened  the  door  to  the 
ambitions  of  other  Balkan  Powers,  and  Servia 
immediately  put  forward  a  demand,  which 
was  supported  by  Russia,  for  a  railway  to 
the  Adriatic.  But  before  either  project  could 
be  commenced,  the  revolution  in  Turkey 
altered  the  whole  face  of  affairs. 

While  sympathetically  watching  the  efforts 
of  the  Young  Turks  to  grapple  with  their 
gigantic  problem,  Europe  was  startled  by 
the  news  that  Bulgaria  had  thrown  off  the 
suzerainty  of  Turkey,  and  that  Austria- 
Hungary  had  annexed  Bosnia  and  Herze- 
govina, at  the  same  time  renouncing  her 
right  to  the  military  occupation  of  Novi- 
bazar.  In  a  moment  the  whole  of  Eastern 
Europe  was  in  a  ferment.  Servia  demanded 
compensation  for  the  destruction  of  her 
hopes  of  union  with  Bosnia  and  Herzegovina, 
and  Montenegro  pressed  for  the  removal  of 
her  fetters  on  the  Adriatic  seaboard.  Mean- 
while Sir  Edward  Grey  declared  that  any 
modifications  of  the  Treaty  of  Berlin  must  be 
approved  by  another  European  Congress,  and 
Russia  and  France  supported  the  demand. 

Bulgaria  and  Austria-Hungary  com- 
pounded for  their  sins  by  a  cash  indemnity; 
but  when  the  danger  of  war  with  Turkey 
was  removed  B'Aehrenthal  could  afford  to 
oppose  an  unyielding  front  to  the  claims  of 


THE  BALANCE  OF  POWER        151 

Servia.  The  little  kingdom,  however,  trusted 
to  the  support  of  its  mighty  Slav  neighbour. 
Izvolsky,  the  Russian  Foreign  Minister,  had 
been  informed  during  the  early  summer  that 
Austria-Hungary  would  some  day  annex  the 
Turkish  provinces;  but  the  speedy  execution 
of  the  plan  came  as  a  shock  to  St.  Petersburg. 
As  the  winter  advanced  Europe  became 
sharply  divided  into  two  camps.  The  tension 
was  ended  in  March  1909  by  a  peremptory 
intimation  from  the  Kaiser  to  the  Tsar  that 
if  his  support  of  Servian  claims  were  to  lead 
to  war  with  Austria,  Germany  would  support 
her  ally  with  all  her  forces.  The  opposition 
instantly  collapsed,  and  the  Powers  of  the 
Triple  Entente  recognised  the  annexations 
without  waiting  for  a  Conference.  D'Aeh- 
renthal  had  played  a  bold  game  and  won; 
but  his  victory  was  dearly  bought.  The 
indemnity  to  Turkey  and  the  much  larger 
sum  spent  on  preparing  the  army  for  instant 
war,  the  surrender  of  Novibazar,  the  boycott 
of  Austrian  goods  in  the  Levant,  the  estrange- 
ment of  Turkey,  Servia,  and  Montenegro, 
above  all,  the  alienation  of  the  Powers  of  the 
Triple  Entente,  might  well  appear  even  to 
his  countrymen  a  high  price  to  pay  for  the 
abolition  of  Turkish  suzerainty  over  provinces 
that  had  for  all  practical  purposes  belonged 
to  the  Dual  Monarchy  for  a  generation. 
The  storm  subsided  very  slowly.  On 


152          HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

visiting  the  King  of  Italy  the  Tsar  ostenta- 
tiously avoided  passing  through  Austrian 
territory,  and  a  little  later  William  II  on  a 
visit  to  Vienna  reminded  his  hearers  how  he 
had  stood  by  their  ruler  "in  shining  armour" 
in  the  recent  crisis.  But  there  are  no  eternal 
feuds  in  European  politics  except  between 
France  and  Germany.  The  old  cordiality 
between  Great  Britain  and  Austria  gradually 
returned,  and  the  withdrawal  of  Izvolsky  to 
the  Paris  Embassy  marked  a  detente  between 
Vienna  and  St.  Petersburg.  When  the  Tsar 
visited  Potsdam  at  the  close  of  1910,  Germany 
undertook  to  facilitate  the  plans  of  Russia 
in  Persia,  and  Russia  withdrew  her  opposi- 
tion to  the  Bagdad  railway,  which  it  was 
agreed  to  extend  to  the  Persian  frontier. 
Though  it  was  an  exaggeration  to  assert  that 
the  Potsdam  interviews  marked  the  virtual 
withdrawal  of  Russia  from  the  Triple  En- 
tente, they  recorded  the  closing  of  the 
breach  which  had  been  opened  in  1908. 

The  mutual  suspicion  of  Germany  and 
Great  Britain  remains;  but  it  is  gradually 
becoming  less  acute.  If  the  German  ship- 
building programme  is  reduced  in  1912,  as 
the  Navy  Law  provides,  the  apprehension 
that  she  is  seeking  to  steal  the  mastery  of 
the  seas  should  disappear.  Meanwhile  the 
agreement  of  the  two  Governments,  an- 
nounced in  1911,  to  inform  each  other  of  their 


THE  BALANCE  OF  POWER        153 

naval  construction  will  prevent  the  recur- 
rence of  the  scare  that  arose  in  1909  when  the 
British  Admiralty  solemnly  announced  its 
discovery  of  an  imaginary  acceleration.  More 
important  is  the  surrender  by  the  Bagdad 
Railway  Company  of  its  right  to  carry  the 
line  to  the  Persian  Gulf  in  return  for  per- 
mission to  connect  it  with  the  Mediterranean. 
The  compromise  removes  a  troublesome 
source  of  friction  and  brings  within  sight  the 
co-operation  or  at  least  the  friendly  acquies- 
cence of  Great  Britain  in  the  completion  of 
the  great  enterprise.  The  sudden  dispatch 
of  a  cruiser  to  Agadir  in  July  1911  announced 
the  determination  of  Germany  to  be  con- 
sulted in  regard  to  the  new  situation  in 
Morocco  arising  from  the  French  expedi- 
tion to  Fez  and  the  Spanish  occupation  of 
posts  in  the  interior;  but  it  gave  no  reason 
to  anticipate  a  repetition  of  the  agitating 
experiences  of  1905. 


CHAPTER  VII 

THE   AWAKENING   OF  ASIA 

THE  most  important  event  in  the  political 
history  of  the  last  generation  is  the  awaken- 
ing of  Asia.  The  reaction  on  world  politics 
has  already  been  immense,  and  its  further 
influence  is  the  most  incalculable  element 
in  the  future. 


After  massacring  her  Jesuit  missionaries  in 
the  seventeenth  century,  Japan  lived  a  hermit 
life  till  the  coming  of  Commodore  Perry's 
squadron  in  1854  forced  her  to  open  her 
doors  and  revise  her  political  ideas.  The 
last  of  the  Shoguns  resigned  in  1867,  and 
the  power  of  the  Emperor  was  restored 
after  an  eclipse  of  more  than  two  centuries. 
The  Daimios  chivalrously  surrendered  their 
privileges,  and  the  remains  of  feudalism 
were  abolished  by  decree  in  1871.  Thus  in 
four  years  the  country  was  unified  under  a 
centralised  government.  But  the  task  of 
creating  a  modern  State  was  complicated 

154 


THE  FAR  EAST  155 

by  treaty  rights,  which  not  only  deprived 
Japan  of  all  power  over  foreign  residents, 
but  prevented  the  raising  of  the  customs 
tariff.  After  vainly  endeavouring  to  obtain 
a  modification  of  the  treaties  the  Government 
sent  an  embassy  to  Europe  in  1871.  Though 
the  mission  failed,  its  members  carried  back 
the  lessons  of  civilisation.  An  efficient  army 
and  navy  were  created,  compulsory  educa- 
tion inaugurated,  and  the  judicial  system 
reformed.  In  1894  Great  Britain  recognised 
Japan  as  a  civilised  State.  By  1899  the 
other  Powers  had  followed  suit,  and  ex- 
territoriality was  at  an  end.  For  the  first 
time  Europe  submitted  the  fortunes  of  her 
children  to  the  jurisdiction  of  an  Oriental 
State. 

The  modernisation  of  Japan  naturally  car- 
ried with  it  the  introduction  of  representa- 
tive institutions,  and  in  1880  the  Emperor 
promised  a  national  Parliament.  The  plan- 
ning of  a  constitution  was  entrusted  to  Ito, 
who  paid  a  prolonged  visit  to  the  West, 
where  he  fell  under  the  spell  of  Bismarck. 
In  1885  he  became  the  head  of  the  first 
Cabinet,  the  members  of  which  were  ap- 
pointed by  and  responsible  to  the  Emperor. 
The  first  Parliament  met  in  1890.  The  con- 
stitution was  largely  modelled  on  that  of 
Prussia,  with  a  narrow  franchise  (extended 
in  1900)  and  an  independent  executive.  The 


158          HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

early  years  of  Parliament  were  filled  by 
bitter  strife  with  the  ministers  and  the  offi- 
cial class,  over  whom  the  elected  House 
possessed  no  control.  Opposition  and  ob- 
struction were  met  by  repeated  dissolutions, 
and  the  power  of  the  Emperor  remained  un- 
diminished.  His  authority  has  been  con- 
sistently supported  by  the  House  of  Peers, 
in  which  the  influence  of  the  Elder  Statesmen 
is  predominant.  His  person  still  inspires 
religious  veneration,  while  the  long  and  pros- 
perous reign  of  Mutsuhito,  who  ascended  the 
throne  while  Japan  was  still  a  feudal  State, 
has  strengthened  the  prestige  of  the  Crown. 
The  birth  of  a  powerful  State  in  the  Far 
East  was  proclaimed  in  1894.  An  attempt 
had  been  made  to  establish  closer  relations 
with  Korea,  and  a  Japanese  envoy  was  sent 
to  reside  at  Seoul  in  1880.  The  legation 
was  attacked  in  1882,  and  again  in  1884.  The 
weakness  and  misgovernment  of  Korea  was  a 
perpetual  temptation  to  her  neighbours;  and 
Japan  invited  China  to  co-operate  in  demand- 
ing reform.  When  China  refused,  Japan  en- 
deavoured to  set  the  Korean  Government 
in  motion,  and,  as  no  response  was  forth- 
coming, issued  an  ultimatum  calling  on 
Korea  to  accept  the  Japanese  programme  of 
reforms  in  July  1894.  Korea  temporised, 
Seoul  was  taken  without  difficulty,  and  the 
Emperor  made  prisoner.  China  immediately 


THE  FAR  EAST  157 

intervened,  but  was  easily  defeated  by 
Japanese  troops,  which  had  been  trained  by 
European  officers.  The  capture  of  Port 
Arthur  compelled  Li  Hung  Chang  to  ask  for 
peace,  and  on  the  fall  of  Wei-hai-Wei  the 
war  was  over.  In  April  1895  a  treaty  was 
signed  at  Shimonoseki,  by  which  China 
ceded  to  Japan  the  Liao-Tung  peninsula 
and  the  island  of  Formosa,  and  promised  a 
large  indemnity. 

The  ink  of  the  treaty  was  hardly  dry 
when  Russia,  France,  and  Germany  ordered 
Japan  to  surrender  the  Liao-Tung  peninsula, 
on  the  ground  that  the  possession  of  Port 
Arthur  threatened  the  independence  of  Pekin. 
Japan  had  no  alternative  but  to  submit, 
and  the  Chinese  indemnity  was  increased 
by  five  millions.  The  intervention  of.  the 
Western  Powers  opened  a  new  chapter  in  the 
history  of  the  Far  East.  Russia  had  reached 
the  Pacific  in  the  seventeenth  century,  and 
the  Amur  region  was  secured  in  1858-60  by 
Muravief.  The  trans-Siberian  railway  was 
begun  in  1891.  After  saving  China  from  the 
loss  of  the  peninsula,  Russia  concluded  a 
convention  with  her  authorising  a  branch 
line  through  Manchuria.  But  the  insin- 
cerity of  the  Powers  in  forbidding  Japanese 
spoliation  was  soon  revealed.  In  1897,  when 
two  German  missionaries  were  murdered  in 
Shantung,  China  was  compelled  to  lease  the 


158          HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

port  and  district  of  Kiao-Chow  to  Germany 
for  99  years.  Russia  followed  suit  by  ob- 
taining permission  to  winter  her  fleet  in 
Port  Arthur,  and  in  March  1898  demanded 
a  lease  of  the  coveted  ice-free  port.  Great 
Britain,  not  to  be  outdone,  acquired  Wei-hai- 
Wei,  and  an  extension  of  her  territory  op- 
posite Hong-Kong.  France  obtained  a  con- 
cession near  Tonkin;  but  when  even  Italy 
asked  for  a  bay  China  plucked  up  courage 
to  refuse. 

The  encroachments  of  the  Powers  evoked 
intense  indignation  in  China,  and  killed  the 
reform  movement  which  had  begun  after 
the  Japanese  war.  The  only  satisfactory 
piece  of  imperial  machinery  was  the  admin- 
istration of  the  maritime  customs  by  Sir 
Robert  Hart.  The  young  Emperor,  Kuang- 
Hsu,  was  convinced  of  the  need  of  change, 
and  adopted  the  proposals  of  Kang  Yu  Wei. 
Learning  that  her  nephew  had  decided  on  her 
imprisonment,  and  taking  advantage  of  the 
growing  hatred  of  the  "foreign  devils,"  the 
Dowager-Empress,  Tzu  Hsi,  emerged  from 
her  retreat.  The  Emperor's  life  was  spared 
and  Kang  Yu  Wei  escaped,  but  his  reform- 
ing colleagues  were  executed.  The  Regency 
was  re-established,  the  reform  decrees  were 
annulled,  and  China  swung  back  to  reaction. 
A  society  called  the  Boxers,  who  claimed  to 
be  invulnerable,  rapidly  spread  through  the 


THE  FAR  EAST  159 

provinces,  preaching  death  to  foreigners. 
Attacks  on  Europeans  began  in  1899,  and 
became  frequent  in  the  early  months  of  1900. 
In  May  the  Ministers  at  Pekin  asked  for 
additional  guards.  No  sooner  had  they 
arrived  than  the  city  was  surrounded  by 
Boxer  troops.  An  attempt  by  Admiral  Sey- 
mour to  reach  the  capital  was  frustrated. 
The  destruction  of  the  Taku  forts,  which 
had  fired  on  the  allied  warships,  was  treated 
as  a  declaration  of  war.  The  imperial  troops 
now  joined  the  Boxers,  the  German  Am- 
bassador was  murdered  in  the  streets  of 
Pekin,  and  the  foreign  residents,  who  had 
taken  refuge  in  the  British  Legation,  were 
bombarded.  Early  in  August  an  army  of 
20,000  men  started  for  Pekin.  The  capital 
was  entered  after  sharp  fighting  ten  days 
later,  the  Empress  fled  into  the  interior,  and 
the  Legations  were  rescued  after  a  terrible 
siege  of  two  months.  The  allies  insisted  on 
the  punishment  of  the  ringleaders,  the  dis- 
mantling of  the  forts  between  Pekin  and 
the  coast,  and  immense  indemnities.  To 
prevent  a  similar  occurrence  the  Legations 
were  fortified.  Peace  was  signed  in  1901, 
and  the  Empress  returned  early  in  1902. 

The  resentment  aroused  in  Japan  by  the 
forced  surrender  of  Port  Arthur  swelled  into 
deep  indignation  when  Russia  herself  seized 
the  coveted  stronghold.  A  demand  for  a 


160          HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

port  on  the  southern  coast  of  Korea  in  1899 
had  to  be  withdrawn;  but  after  the  Pekin 
expedition  Admiral  Alexeieff,  the  Russian 
Viceroy  of  the  Far  East,  invited  China  to 
resume  the  government  of  Manchuria  under 
Russian  protection.  Japan  protested  in 
vain;  but  her  position  was  strengthened  by 
an  alliance  with  Great  Britain  in  1902,  the 
latter  promising  support  if  her  ally  was 
attacked  by  more  than  one  Power.  The 
conduct  of  the  Japanese  troops  during  the 
Pekin  expedition  had  compared  very  favour- 
ably with  that  of  some  of  the  European  con- 
tingents, and  the  treaty  of  1902  recognised 
the  entry  of  Japan  into  the  family  of  civilised 
Powers. 

A  few  weeks  after  the  conclusion  of  the 
alliance  a  treaty  was  signed  between  Russia 
and  China,  the  former  undertaking  to  evacu- 
ate Manchuria  in  three  stages  of  six  months 
each,  the  latter  to  defend  Russian  interests  in 
that  province.  The  treaty  relieved  Japanese 
apprehensions;  and  in  the  autumn  of  1902 
the  Russians  withdrew  from  the  first  of  the 
three  sections.  But  in  1903,  instead  of 
continuing  the  evacuation,  Russia  demanded 
new  concessions.  Supported  by  Great  Brit- 
ain, Japan,  and  the  United  States,  China 
refused  the  demands.  At  the  same  moment 
Russian  activity  increased  in  Korea.  Russian 
speculators  had  obtained  a  concession  to  cut 


THE  FAR  EAST  161 

timber  on  the  banks  of  the  Yalu,  and  influ- 
ential members  of  the  Russian  Court  were 
interested  in  the  enterprise.  Japan  com- 
plained that  the  withdrawal  from  Man- 
churia was  not  being  carried  out,  and  sug- 
gested a  treaty  which  should  safeguard 
Russian  interests  in  Manchuria  and  define 
Japan's  position  in  Korea.  Russia  refused 
to  recognise  Japanese  claims  in  Korea,  and 
after  several  months  of  negotiation,  during 
which  troops  were  hurried  to  the  Far  East, 
Japan  issued  an  ultimatum  in  February  1904. 
The  course  of  the  conflict  was  watched 
by  the  whole  world  with  amazement.  Few 
expected  Japan  to  show  such  perfect  organi- 
sation, such  strategic  genius,  such  irresistible 
bravery;  while  on  the  other  hand  few  were 
prepared  for  the  blundering  incompetence  of 
Russia.  For  the  Japanese  it  was  a  national 
struggle  for  clearly  defined  objects,  while 
the  Russian  people  knew  nothing  of  the 
causes  and  aims  of  the  war.  A  second 
advantage  for  Japan  was  that  the  conflict 
ranged  in  part  over  ground  familiar  to  her 
since  1894,  while  the  Russian  front  was 
6000  miles  from  the  base,  and  her  troops 
had  to  be  transported  by  a  single  line. 
When  the  war  began  the  Russian  forces  were 
greatly  inferior  in  numbers,  and  she  was 
discouraged  at  the  outset  by  the  destruction 
or  damage  of  several  ships  at  Port  Arthur 


162          HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

and  Chemulpo.  After  these  initial  successes 
Japanese  troops  invested  Port  Arthur,  while 
the  main  army  forced  their  way  across  the 
Yalu.  The  Russians  were  defeated  at  Liao- 
Yang,  and  in  a  prolonged  encounter  on  the 
Sha-ho.  On  New  Year's  Day,  1905,  Port 
Arthur  was  surrendered  by  Stossel,  though 
24,000  men  and  provisions  for  three  months 
remained.  The  fall  of  the  great  fortress  set 
free  the  besieging  army,  and  another  titanic 
struggle  took  place  before  Mukden  in  Feb- 
ruary. After  a  fortnight's  fighting,  in  which 
each  side  lost  about  60,000  in  killed  and 
wounded,  the  Russians  retreated  north. 
The  Japanese  were  too  exhausted  to  follow 
up  the  victory,  and  both  combatants  watched 
the  leisurely  voyage  of  the  Russian  fleet 
from  Europe.  As  it  entered  the  Straits 
of  Tsushima  between  Korea  and  Japan  on 
the  way  to  Vladivostock  on  May  27th,  it 
was  annihilated  by  Togo.  The  command  of 
the  Pacific  was  decided  in  a  single  day. 

The  failure  of  her  last  card  induced  Russia 
to  consider  the  question  of  peace.  Japan, 
whose  resources  had  been  strained  to  the 
uttermost,  was  equally  desirous  of  an  honour- 
able termination  of  the  struggle.  A  fortnight 
after  the  battle  of  Tsushima  representatives 
were  chosen  to  discuss  terms.  No  armistice 
was  concluded,  and  the  Japanese  landed  a 
force  in  Sakhalin.  The  negotiations  opened 


THE  FAR  EAST  163 

in  August,  and  three  weeks  later  peace  was 
signed.  The  Treaty  of  Portsmouth  recog- 
nised the  claims  of  Japan  in  Korea,  ceded 
the  Liao-Tung  peninsula  and  the  southern 
half  of  Sakhalin,  and  provided  for  the 
evacuation  of  Manchuria  by  Russia.  The 
war  had  cost  each  side  about  100  millions  in 
money  and  200,000  in  killed  and  wounded. 
The  victory  of  Japan  is  the  most  important 
event  of  the  period  with  which  this  volume 
deals.  In  the  years  immediately  preceding 
the  war  the  Powers  had  been  carving  China 
into  slices.  The  ringleader  had  now  been 
overthrown  in  single  combat,  and  the  achieve- 
ment thrilled  Asia  with  a  confidence  and  self- 
respect  she  had  never  known.  The  spell  had 
been  broken.  The  West  was  not  irresistible. 
The  question  is  no  longer  what  the  white 
man  will  leave  to  the  yellow  races,  but  what 
the  yellow  races  will  permit  the  white  man 
to  retain. 

In  no  country  was  the  reverberation  louder 
than  in  China.  The  reactionary  nationalism 
which  had  culminated  in  the  Boxer  movement 
gave  place  to  an  enthusiasm  for  Western 
learning  and  Western  methods.  Decrees 
appeared  condemning  foot-binding,  recom- 
mending intermarriage  between  Manchus  and 
Chinese,  abolishing  the  system  of  literary 
examinations  for  official  employment,  and 
forbidding  torture  and  mutilation.  Railways 


164          HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

were  built  and  schools  were  opened,  Japanese 
instructors  were  engaged,  and  large  numbers 
went  to  study  abroad.  A  Commission  was 
sent  to  Europe  in  1906  to  examine  the 
systems  of  government,  and  on  its  return  the 
Regent  announced  her  intention  to  grant  a 
Constitution.  In  1908  she  and  the  puppet 
Emperor  died  within  a  day  of  each  other; 
but  the  death  of  the  most  remarkable  per- 
sonality of  modern  China  brought  no  change. 
Provincial  assemblies  were  set  up  in  1909, 
and  conducted  their  business  with  dignity 
and  skill.  A  National  Assembly,  composed 
chiefly  of  officials  and  nominees,  met  at  Pekin 
in  1910  and  demanded  that  the  first  Parlia- 
ment, originally  promised  for  1917,  should 
meet  without  delay.  Almost  more  remark- 
able as  an  evidence  of  reforming  zeal  is  the 
crusade  against  opium.  Though  depending 
on  the  duty  for  several  millions  a  year,  the 
Indian  Government  undertook  in  1907  to 
stop  the  export  to  China  by  gradual  steps 
within  10  years,  on  condition  of  a  correspond- 
ing reduction  in  her  own  production  of  the 
poppy.  The  bargain  was  loyally  kept,  and 
in  1911  China  urged  the  Indian  Government 
to  co-operate  in  suppressing  the  traffic  in 
two  years. 


INDIA  AND  PERSIA  165 


n 

While  in  the  Far  East  the  white  man  has 
been  forced  to  abandon  his  ambitions,  he 
continues  to  dominate  the  Middle  East.  Yet 
here,  too,  the  sleeper  is  awakening. 

Though  the  Government  of  India  is  rela- 
tively unaffected  by  party  changes  at  West- 
minster, the  personality  of  a  Viceroy  often 
stamps  the  period  of  his  rule.  Thus  Lytton 
(1876-1880)  emphasised  the  might  and  maj- 
esty of  British  dominion,  while  Ripon's 
term  (1880-1884)  was  marked  by  a  coura- 
geous attempt  to  associate  the  people  more 
closely  with  the  control  of  their  own  affairs. 
His  successor,  Dufferin,  was  identified  neither 
with  Imperialism  nor  Liberalism.  The  estab- 
lishment of  Abdurrahman  on  the  throne 
of  Afghanistan  had  substituted  a  friendly 
for  an  unfriendly  influence;  but  the  rapid 
advance  of  Russia  beyond  the  Caspian  con- 
tinued to  inspire  alarm.  Though  an  agree- 
ment was  reached  in  1887,  the  danger  led  to 
the  permanent  increase  of  the  army.  On 
the  other  side  of  India  an  important  conquest 
was  effected.  The  maritime  provinces  of 
Burma  had  been  annexed  in  previous  wars, 
and  at  the  end  of  1885  the  remainder  of  the 
country  was  conquered.  While  the  savage 
rule  of  King  Theebaw  was  the  nominal  pre- 


166          HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

text  for  intervention,  the  governing  factor  was 
the  discovery  of  his  intrigues  with  French 
agents  and  concessionaires.  No  immediate 
resistance  was  made,  but  a  guerrilla  warfare 
broke  out  and  continued  for  three  years. 
On  its  suppression  Burma  entered  on  a  period 
of  peaceful  prosperity,  untroubled  by  famines 
or  revolutionary  movements. 

The  main  legislative  achievement  of  Duf- 
ferin's  term  was  the  Bengal  Tenancy  Act 
of  1885,  which  checked  the  eviction  of  the 
ryot;  but  its  most  important  event  was  not 
the  work  of  the  Government.  The  intro- 
duction of  English  literature  and  English 
ideas  under  the  auspices  of  Macaulay  had  led 
to  the  growth  of  an  educated  class,  relatively 
small  in  numbers  but  of  considerable  influ- 
ence. In  1886  the  first  National  Congress  met 
to  discuss  questions  of  common  interest. 
Though  a  few  Mohammedans  took  part  in 
the  movement,  its  founders  were  Hindus. 
Dufferin  regarded  the  Congress  as  a  healthy 
growth,  and  showed  friendliness  to  the 
leaders.  It  was  a  colossal  blunder  that  his 
tactful  attitude  was  abandoned  by  his 
successors. 

The  term  of  Lord  Lansdowne  (1888-1894) 
witnessed  an  important  change  in  the  ma- 
chinery of  government.  The  Queen's  Procla- 
mation in  1858  declared  that  no  one  should 
be  debarred  from  any  office  by  race  or  creed. 


INDIA  AND  PERSIA  167 

A  few  Indian  advisers  had  been  admitted 
to  Legislative  Councils  after  the  Mutiny; 
but  Dufferin  had  informed  the  Home  Gov- 
ernment that  an  increase  in  their  numbers 
and  powers  would  be  expedient.  The  Indian 
Councils  Act  of  1892  gave  cautious  effect  to 
his  representations.  The  nominated  members 
of  the  Viceregal  and  the  Provincial  Coun- 
cils were  increased,  the  non-official  element 
strengthened,  and  the  Indian  Government 
was  empowered  to  permit  native  members  to 
be  elected  by  their  fellow-citizens.  In  another 
field  the  confidence  of  the  Government  was 
shown  by  accepting  the  offers  of  Native  Chiefs 
to  maintain  regiments  for  imperial  service. 
The  Lansdowne  Viceroyalty  also  witnessed 
the  settlement  of  differences  with  Abdurrah- 
man, who  was  seriously  alarmed  by  the  pro- 
posals of  the  Forward  Policy.  The  Durand 
mission,  dispatched  to  Cabul  in  1893,  re- 
moved his  apprehensions.  His  subsidy  was 
raised  from  £80,000  to  £120,000  a  year,  and 
it  was  agreed  to  determine  the  still  unsettled 
boundaries  of  Russia,  India,  and  Afghanistan. 
Though  his  loyalty  during  subsequent  fron- 
tier risings  was  open  to  suspicion,  the  relations 
of  the  Governments  have  remained  friendly. 
The  rule  of  Lord  Elgin  (1894-1899)  was  a 
period  of  exceptional  anxiety.  The  currency 
question  had  long  been  menacing.  Owing  to 
the  increasing  production  of  silver  through- 


168          HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

out  the  world  the  rupee  had  rapidly  fallen 
since  1874,  when  it  was  worth  nearly  two 
shillings.  The  loss  to  India,  which  had  to 
find  large  sums  in  gold  for  interest,  pensions, 
and  foreign  purchases,  was  serious.  To  meet 
the  growing  burden  it  was  necessary  to  in- 
crease the  salt  tax  and  the  income  tax,  and  in 
1893  the  coinage  of  silver  was  restricted. 
The  relief  was  slight,  and  Lord  Elgin,  on 
his  arrival,  had  to  revive  revenue  duties, 
that  on  cotton  goods  being  accompanied 
by  a  corresponding  excise  on  Indian  prod- 
ucts. The  rupee  fell  to  thirteen  pence  in 
1895,  when  it  again  began  to  rise.  In  1899 
a  gold  currency  was  introduced,  and  the 
value  of  the  rupee  was  fixed  at  sixteen  pence. 
Though  gold  thus  became  the  standard  of 
value,  silver  remains  the  coinage  of  the  coun- 
try and  legal  tender  at  the  fixed  rate.  At  the 
same  time  two  other  problems  emerged. 
In  1896  plague  appeared  in  Bombay,  and 
efforts  to  eradicate  it  led  to  riots  and  fierce 
attacks  in  the  press.  Its  ravages  have 
continued  ever  since,  and  it  carries  off 
enormous  numbers  every  year.  In  1897 
a  severe  famine  visited  Central  India,  and 
despite  the  institution  of  gigantic  relief  works 
nearly  a  million  lives  were  lost  in  British 
territory. 

Like  his  predecessors,  Lord  Elgin  was  con- 
fronted with  grave  anxieties  on  the  North- 


INDIA  AND  PERSIA  169 

West  frontier.  By  the  Durand  agreement 
Chitral  was  declared  within  the  British  sphere. 
In  1895  the  native  ruler  was  murdered  and 
the  British  agent  and  garrison  were  besieged. 
After  a  heroic  defence  of  seven  weeks  the 
fort  was  relieved  by  a  large  British  force. 
The  Rosebery  Government  decided  to  with- 
draw from  Chitral;  but  Salisbury,  on  resum- 
ing office,  determined  to  retain  it,  and  ordered 
the  construction  of  a  road  through  the 
mountains.  A  year  later  the  whole  frontier 
was  in  flames,  the  Mullahs  preaching  a  holy 
war,  and  the  tribesmen  watching  with  anger 
the  extension  of  the  British  zone.  A  rising 
began  in  1897  among  the  Swats,  Mohmands, 
and  Afridis,  and  the  insurrection  became  so 
formidable  that  an  army  of  60,000  men  was 
despatched  to  the  Tirah  district.  By  the 
end  of  the  year  the  resistance  was  broken,  but 
it  was  not  till  late  in  1898  that  the  conflict 
was  over  and  the  Khyber  Pass  reopened. 

While  some  Viceroys  are  mere  figure- 
heads, Lord  Curzon,  who  arrived  in  1899, 
was  the  undisputed  ruler  of  India.  His  first 
task  was  the  liquidation  of  the  frontier 
problem.  The  British  forces  were  gradually 
withdrawn  from  the  Khyber  and  other 
advanced  posts,  and  their  places  taken  by 
tribal  levies,  the  tribes  being  informed  that 
their  independence  was  safe  so  long  as  order 
was  maintained.  A  new  frontier  province 


170          HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

was  created  by  separation  from  the  Punjab 
in  1901,  a  step  that  has  been  followed  by 
almost  uninterrupted  peace.  In  domestic 
affairs  the  Viceroyalty  opened  badly  with  a 
renewal  of  famine  in  1900,  more  costly  in 
life  and  money  than  that  of  1897.  But 
after  its  conclusion  the  financial  situation 
rapidly  improved,  and  the  salt  tax  was 
greatly  reduced.  The  ship  appeared  to  be 
entering  calmer  water,  and  the  opportunity 
was  seized  to  overhaul  every  department  of 
State  by  searching  commissions  of  inquiry. 
An  attempt  was  made  to  bring  the  system  of 
report  writing  within  reasonable  limits.  A 
new  Department  of  Commerce  and  Industry 
was  established,  with  a  representative  on 
the  Viceroy's  Council.  On  the  advice  of 
Lord  Kitchener,  the  Commander-in-Chief, 
the  distribution  of  the  army  was  changed  and 
the  troops  furnished  with  more  efficient 
weapons.  A  drastic  measure  was  carried 
to  prevent  the  alienation  of  land  in  the 
Punjab.  The  severe  condemnation  of  the 
police  by  the  Frazer  Commission  led  to  a 
slight  increase  of  pay,  but  not  to  the  radical 
reforms  that  were  needed.  Steps  were  taken 
for  the  conservation  of  the  priceless  monu- 
ments of  Indian  art.  Primary  schools  were 
increased,  and  an  effort  was  made  to  save 
older  students  from  the  moral  contagion 
of  city  life. 


INDIA  AND  PERSIA  171 

Lord  Curzon  laboured  with  unflagging 
energy  and  superb  devotion;  but  his  method 
of  government  resembled  that  of  the  Philo- 
sophic Despots  of  the  eighteenth  century. 
Though  he  sternly  punished  the  ill-treatment 
of  Indians  by  Europeans,  he  had  little  sym- 
pathy with  the  political  aspirations  that 
were  stirring  among  educated  natives.  He 
boycotted  the  National  Congress,  diminished 
the  representative  element  on  the  Calcutta 
Municipal  Council,  and  infuriated  the  Ben- 
galis by  reflections  on  their  truthfulness. 
Finally,  on  his  return  from  England  in  1904, 
he  took  a  step  which  led  directly  to  the  dan- 
gerous crisis  of  the  following  years.  Bengal 
had  already  thrown  off  the  North-West 
Provinces  and  Assam,  and  a  population  of 
over  80  millions  made  a  further  partition 
desirable.  Friendly  discussions  with  the 
leaders  of  native  opinion  might  have  led  to 
an  acceptable  compromise;  but  the  oppor- 
tunity of  readjustment  by  consent  was 
thrown  away.  A  new  province  was  created 
in  1905  by  a  fusion  of  Assam  with  a  large 
slice  of  Eastern  Bengal,  despite  the  passion- 
ate protests  of  the  Congress  party.  If  it 
was  not  the  greatest  political  blunder  since 
the  Mutiny,  it  played  directly  into  the  hands 
of  the  extreme  party  which  aims  at  the  over- 
throw of  British  rule. 

The    last   year    of   Lord    Curzon's    term 


17£          HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

witnessed  the  dispatch  of  an  expedition  to 
Lhassa.  The  Hermit  Kingdom  had  steadily 
repulsed  the  advances  made  to  it  since  the 
time  of  Warren  Hastings.  When  Tibetan 
troops  invaded  the  Protected  State  of  Sikkim 
in  1886,  the  Government  opened  negotia- 
tions with  China  as  suzerain  of  Tibet,  and 
signed  a  treaty  in  1890  establishing  com- 
mercial posts  across  the  frontier.  The 
Tibetans,  however,  refused  all  intercourse 
and  returned  letters  unopened.  Such  con- 
temptuous treatment  seemed  to  Lord  Curzon 
damaging  to  British  prestige;  and  when  the 
Dalai  Lama  engaged  in  negotiations  with 
Russia  he  obtained  leave  to  send  an  armed 
mission  under  Colonel  Younghusband.  The 
advance  was  but  feebly  resisted.  The  sacred 
city  was  entered,  the  Dalai  Lama  fled,  and 
a  treaty  was  made  with  his  successor,  pro- 
viding for  a  Resident  in  Lhassa,  facilities 
for  trade,  and  the  retention  of  the  Chumbi 
valley  while  an  indemnity  was  paid  by 
instalments.  The  treaty  was  substantially 
modified  by  the  Home  Government.  When 
it  thus  became  clear  that  Great  Britain  had 
no  desire  to  intervene  in  Tibetan  affairs  the 
dormant  Chinese  suzerainty  was  vigorously 
reasserted.  The  Power  that  gained  by 
the  Younghusband  expedition  was  not  India, 
but  China. 

In   1905  Lord  Curzon  resigned,  refusing 


INDIA  AND  PERSIA  173 

to  accept  Lord  Kitchener's  proposals  for  the 
reorganisation  of  the  military  department, 
and  receiving  no  support  from  home.  His 
successor,  Lord  Minto,  lacked  the  knowledge 
and  ability  of  his  predecessor;  but  he  felt 
genuine  sympathy  with  the  ideals  of  educated 
Indians.  The  appointment  of  Mr.  Morley 
to  the  India  Office  almost  at  the  same  time 
further  emphasised  the  change  from  the  old 
order.  The  Viceroy  and  Secretary  of  State 
were  in  agreement  as  to  the  need  both  of 
generous  political  concessions  and  of  un- 
flinching repression  of  violence.  Great  ex- 
pectations were  aroused  among  the  Congress 
politicians  by  the  appointment  of  the  dis- 
tinguished thinker  from  whom  they  had 
learned  the  principles  of  Liberalism;  but 
his  refusal  to  modify  the  partition  of  Bengal 
provoked  intense  disappointment.  The  Swa- 
deshi movement  began,  European  goods  were 
boycotted  in  parts  of  Bengal,  and  several 
Europeans  were  murdered.  The  Government 
replied  by  drastic  laws  against  seditious  meet- 
ings, the  press,  and  the  use  of  explosives. 
Tilak  was  sentenced  to  six  years'  imprison- 
ment, and  on  two  occasions  the  Regulation 
of  1818  was  revived.  The  deportation  of 
men  of  high  character  and  position  with- 
out charge  or  trial  aroused  indignation  in 
England,  and  led  numbers  of  Indian  politi- 
cians to  despair  of  the  Government.  The 


174          HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

National  Congress  split  in  two  at  Surat 
in  1908,  the  extremists  parting  company 
with  the  moderates  represented  by  Gokhale. 
While  the  campaign  of  repression  was  in 
progress  a  far-reaching  scheme  of  reform 
was  being  elaborated.  A  bold  step  was 
taken  in  1909  by  the  appointment  of  an 
Indian  barrister  as  Legal  Member  of  the 
Viceroy's  Executive  Council,  and  of  two 
Indians  to  the  Council  of  the  Secretary  of 
State.  The  Councils  Act  of  1909  constituted 
a  notable  advance  on  that  of  1892.  A  large 
addition  was  made  to  the  membership  of  the 
Viceregal  and  Provincial  Legislative  Councils, 
an  official  majority  being  retained  on  the 
former  alone.  Special  safeguards  for  the 
interests  of  the  Mohammedan  minority  were 
inserted.  The  Executive  Councils  of  Madras 
and  Bombay  were  to  be  enlarged  from  two 
to  four,  one  to  be  an  Indian,  and  Executive 
Councils  were  foreshadowed  for  the  other 
provinces.  Greater  latitude  was  permitted 
in  regard  to  criticism  and  debate.  The 
reform  scheme  was  welcomed  both  in  India 
and  England  as  wise  and  generous,  and  a 
more  hopeful  feeling  was  already  manifest 
when  Lord  Minto  and  Lord  Morley  laid 
down  their  burden  in  1910.  Though  they 
failed  to  mollify  the  root  and  branch  op- 
ponents of  British  rule,  they  opened  up  a 
fruitful  field  of  common  activity  between  the 


INDIA  AND  PERSIA  175 

bureaucracy  and  the  leaders  of  native  opinion. 
That  Lord  Hardinge  desired  to  work  the 
new  system  in  the  spirit  of  its  authors  was 
quickly  shown  by  his  cordial  reception  of  Sir 
William  Wedderburn,  the  President  of  the 
National  Congress. 

The  history  of  Persia  during  the  last 
quarter  of  a  century  is  one  of  increasing 
degradation,  followed  by  a  partially  success- 
ful attempt  at  reform.  While  Nasreddin  was 
a  virile  despot,  his  son  Muzaffer-ed-din,  who 
ascended  the  throne  in  1890,  was  amiable 
and  effeminate,  squandering  his  country's 
resources  in  costly  journeys  to  Europe,  and 
for  the  first  time  incurring  a  foreign  debt. 
In  1899  the  custom  houses  were  placed 
under  the  control  of  Belgian  officials,  and 
in  1900  and  1902  Russian  loans  were  nego- 
tiated. The  gradual  mortgaging  of  the 
country  to  Russia  was  watched  with  jealousy 
by  Great  Britain,  and  with  indignation  by 
the  long-suffering  Persians.  A  Constitution 
had  been  demanded  during  the  reign  of 
Nasreddin  by  the  great  Mussulman  teacher 
Jamaleddin,  and  in  1891  a  passionate  outcry 
greeted  the  grant  of  a  Tobacco  Monopoly  to 
an  English  company.  The  concession  was 
revoked  at  the  cost  of  half  a  million. 

Though  occasional  riots  occurred  in  the 
provinces,  there  was  no  further  explosion  in 
Teheran  till  1905,  when  a  number  of  mer- 


176          HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

chants  and  mullahs  took  sanctuary  in  a  mosque 
in  protest  against  the  Grand  Vizier.  The 
Shah  promised  to  dismiss  his  adviser.  The 
protesters  returned,  but  the  Minister  re- 
mained. A  second  Bast  occurred  in  1906, 
when  about  14,000  citizens  took  refuge  in 
the  grounds  of  the  British  Legation.  This 
time  the  demand  was  for  a  Parliament,  which 
the  Shah  reluctantly  granted.  A  Constitu- 
tion was  drawn  up,  newspapers  and  political 
clubs  sprang  into  life,  and  the  National 
Assembly  met  in  October.  Muzaffer-ed-din 
died  in  1907,  and  his  son,  Mohammed  Ali, 
who  had  won  a  bad  reputation  as  Governor 
of  Tabriz,  quickly  showed  his  dislike  of  the 
Constitution.  The  first  Budget  cut  down 
pensions  and  sinecures,  and  turned  the  annual 
deficit  into  a  surplus  without  fresh  taxation. 
But  the  reduction  of  the  Shah's  civil  list 
intensified  his  hostility  to  the  Mejliss.  He 
was  only  prevented  from  executing  his 
Ministers  by  the  intervention  of  the  British 
charge  d'affaires,  and  early  in  1908  an  at- 
tempt was  made  on  his  life.  In  June  he  fled 
to  his  Summer  Palace,  whence  he  carried 
out  a  coup  d'etat  with  the  aid  of  Liakhoff, 
a  Russian  officer,  and  the  Cossack  Brigade. 
The  Parliament  House  was  bombarded, 
Liakhoff  was  appointed  Military  Governor 
of  Teheran,  and  the  reformers  fled  for  their 
lives.  The  Constitutionalists  held  out  in 


INDIA  AND  PERSIA  177 

Tabriz  during  the  winter,  closely  invested 
by  the  royalist  forces.  When  the  fall  of  the 
city  became  imminent  Russian  troops  crossed 
the  frontier  to  its  relief. 

When  the  Constitutional  cause  had  seemed 
to  be  lost  its  fortunes  suddenly  brightened. 
Russia  had  shown  that  the  Shah  could  no 
longer  hope  for  her  moral  support.  The 
vigorous  tribe  of  the  Baktiaris,  which  had 
already  declared  for  the  Constitution,  now 
marched  to  Teheran,  entered  the  city  after 
fighting,  and  compelled  the  Shah  to  abdicate. 
His  youthful  son  was  placed  on  the  throne,  the 
Mejliss  was  recalled,  and  the  work  of  reform 
resumed.  But  the  task  was  difficult  and 
the  actors  inexperienced.  The  presence  of 
Russian  troops  in  the  north  prevented  out- 
breaks, but  damaged  the  prestige  of  the 
Government.  In  the  south  the  roads  were  so 
insecure  that  in  1910  Great  Britain  threatened 
to  police  them  by  a  Persian  force  led  by 
officers  drawn  from  the  Indian  army.  De- 
spite their  urgent  need  of  money  the  Minis- 
ters refused  to  raise  a  foreign  loan  on  the 
only  terms  on  which  Russia  and  England 
were  prepared  to  assist.  The  acceptance  of 
the  Regency  early  in  1911  by  Nasr-el-Mulk, 
an  alumnus  of  Balliol,  has  been  followed  by 
a  distinct  improvement  in  the  situation, 
which  the  employment  of  American  finan- 
ciers may  be  expected  to  confirm. 


178          HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

Throughout  Asia  two  currents  are  clearly 
visible.  On  the  one  hand,  there  is  a  desire  to 
imitate  the  West,  to  learn  its  secrets,  to 
borrow  its  skill.  On  the  other,  there  is  a 
deep-seated  determination  to  retain  and  even 
to  emphasise  traditional  ideals  and  character- 
istics. The  tendencies  meet  not  only  in 
the  same  nation  but  in  the  same  individual. 
In  some  cases  a  return  to  older  practices  is 
urged  by  the  very  men  who  have  drunk  most 
deeply  at  the  springs  of  Western  learning. 
The  awakening  of  the  East  has  been  rendered 
possible  by  the  appropriation  of  the  ideas  and 
methods  of  the  West;  but  the  enduring 
result  is  the  affirmation  of  its  own  personality. 


CHAPTER  VIII 

THE   PARTITION   OF  AFRICA 

THE  partition  of  Africa  has  taken  place 
with  lightning  rapidity  during  the  years 
covered  by  this  volume.  The  Powers,  seek- 
ing outlets  for  their  population  or  markets 
for  their  trade  and  debarred  from  South 
America  by  the  Monroe  doctrine,  turned  to 
the  Dark  Continent.  A  generation  ago, 
European  settlements  were  patches  on  the 
coast.  To-day,  only  three  independent 
States,  Abyssinia,  Morocco,  and  the  little 
negro  republic  of  Liberia,  remain.  Yet 
while  the  government  has  passed  into  white 
hands,  the  greater  part  of  Africa  is  closed  to 
white  men  by  the  iron  law  of  nature. 


Contrary  to  the  expectation  and  desire  of 
the  Gladstone  Ministry  on  intervening  in 
Egypt  on  behalf  of  Ismail's  creditors,  the 
British  occupation  has  continued  for  a  genera- 
tion. When  Sir  Evelyn  Baring  arrived  in 

179 


180          HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

Cairo  in  1883  he  found  a  gigantic  task  await- 
ing him.  Arabi's  revolt  had  been  quelled  by 
British  troops,  but  the  dislike  of  foreign 
interference  was  undiminished.  The  Treas- 
ury was  empty,  and  the  State  owed  100 
millions.  Turkey  watched  the  settlement  of 
a  Great  Power  in  her  province  with  jealous 
eyes,  and  France  waited  impatiently  for  the 
promised  evacuation.  In  the  year  of  his 
arrival  an  Egyptian  army,  led  by  General 
Hicks,  was  annihilated  by  the  Mahdi  in 
Kordofan,  and  in  1884  another  force  under 
General  Baker  was  routed.  As  the  Khedi- 
vial  army  was  incapable  of  fighting,  Gordon 
was  sent  to  withdraw  the  garrisons  and  civil- 
ians from  the  interior,  but  ruined  his  chance 
of  success  by  proclaiming  the  abandonment 
of  the  Sudan  and  disobeying  orders.  He 
was  surrounded  in  Khartum,  which  fell  in 
1885  after  a  prolonged  siege.  On  Gordon's 
death  the  whole  country  passed  into  the 
hands  of  the  Mahdi. 

The  loss  of  the  Sudan  allowed  the  British 
Agent  to  devote  his  attention  to  internal 
reform.  In  1885  he  obtained  the  permission 
of  the  Powers  to  raise  a  loan  of  nine  millions 
to  pay  off  accumulated  deficits  and  to  extend 
irrigation.  In  1888  deficits  ceased,  and  the 
financial  position  steadily  improved.  No  tax 
but  the  tobacco  duty  has  been  increased, 
taxation  has  been  remitted,  railways,  canals, 


EGYPT  181 

and  public  works  have  been  provided  out  of 
revenue,  and  Egyptian  credit  has  risen  to  the 
level  of  many  European  States.  But  the 
assistance  of  the  Government  was  direct  as 
well  as  indirect.  Mehemet  Ali  and  his 
successors  had  realised  the  importance  of 
irrigation  without  being  able  to  turn  it  to 
much  practical  account.  A  barrage  had  been 
built  below  Cairo  to  irrigate  the  Delta,  but 
the  foundations  were  so  weak  that  it  was  of 
little  use  till  it  had  been  overhauled  by  British 
engineers.  In  1898  a  gigantic  dam  was  con- 
structed at  Assuan,  which  began  to  work  in 
1901  and  has  since  been  raised.  The  economic 
stability  of  the  peasant  has  been  strengthened 
by  the  provision  of  agricultural  banks,  and 
his  life  rendered  easier  by  the  virtual  aboli- 
tion of  forced  labour  on  public  works. 

The  restoration  of  financial  equilibrium  and 
the  increase  of  the  productive  power  of  the 
soil  were  the  most  urgent  tasks;  but  efforts  to 
introduce  the  equipment  of  a  civilised  State 
were  made  in  other  directions.  The  adminis- 
tration of  justice  among  natives  began  to 
improve  when  Sir  John  Scott  was  appointed 
Judicial  Adviser  in  1891.  Egyptian  judges 
have  proved  themselves  worthy  of  their  trust, 
bribes  have  become  rare,  and  torture  has 
disappeared.  The  standard  of  the  police  has 
been  raised  by  the  appointment  of  British 
inspectors.  Public  health  has  steadily  im- 


182          HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

proved,  and  travelling  eye  hospitals  have 
reduced  ophthalmia.  Village  schools  have 
been  encouraged  by  grants-in-aid,  and  tech- 
nical colleges  have  been  instituted. 

The  disasters  hi  the  Sudan  had  arisen 
not  only  from  cowardice  but  from  the  arbi- 
trary methods  by  which  the  soldiers  were 
recruited.  Good  pay  and  good  food  soon 
produced  a  better  tone,  and  self-confidence 
was  strengthened  by  the  co-operation  of 
British  troops.  How  great  the  change 
wrought  by  the  Sirdars,  Sir  Evelyn  Wood 
and  Sir  Herbert  Kitchener,  was  shown  in 
the  reconquest  of  the  Sudan.  Dervish  at- 
tacks on  Egypt  were  repulsed,  and  in  1896 
the  first  step  was  taken  by  the  advance  to 
Dongola.  The  railway  was  pushed  forward, 
Berber  was  captured  in  1897,  and  in  1898 
the  forces  of  the  Khalifa,  who  had  succeeded 
the  Mahdi,  were  defeated  at  the  Atbara 
River  and  annihilated  at  Omdurman.  The 
Khalifa  fled  into  Kordofan  and  was  killed 
in  action  a  year  later.  The  Sudan  hence- 
forth belonged  to  Britain  and  Egypt  jointly. 
The  lease  of  the  great  province  of  the  Bahr- 
el-Ghazal  to  the  Congo  Free  State  in  1894 
was  annulled  in  1906,  and  the  Lado  Enclave, 
the  only  district  which  French  jealous- 
ies had  allowed  King  Leopold  to  adminis- 
ter, reverted  on  his  death  to  Anglo-Egyp- 
tian control.  Except  for  some  petty  revolts, 


EGYPT  183 

the  vast  area  has  enjoyed  a  period  of  peace, 
and  the  charge  on  Egyptian  revenues  has 
steadily  decreased.  The  Red  Sea  has  been 
connected  by  railway  with  the  Nile,  while 
the  Egyptian  line  has  been  extended  to  Khar- 
tum, and  the  White  Nile  has  been  cleared 
of  sudd. 

Though  financial  equilibrium  had  been 
restored,  the  hands  of  the  British  Agent  were 
to  a  large  extent  tied  by  the  Commission 
of  the  Debt  established  in  1876.  Thus, 
when  it  was  proposed  that  Egypt  should 
pay  for  the  reconquest  of  the  Sudan,  France 
and  Russia  vetoed  the  scheme,  and  the 
British  Government  lent  the  money.  An 
immense  relief  was  experienced  when  the 
Anglo-French  Treaty  of  1904  secured  the 
withdrawal  of  European  opposition  and  gave 
a  free  hand  in  finance.  On  the  other  hand  the 
Capitulations,  or  treaty  rights  possessed  by 
the  Powers,  still  prevent  either  the  taxation 
or  control  of  the  ever-increasing  army  of 
European  residents.  When  Lord  Cromer 
resigned  in  1907,  after  twenty-four  years  of 
benevolent  despotism,  he  left  the  country  in 
the  enjoyment  of  a  prosperity  greater  per- 
haps than  it  had  ever  known. 

On  the  material  side  the  work  of  England 
in  Egypt  has  been  highly  successful;  but 
the  more  difficult  problem  of  winning  the 
confidence  and  affection  of  the  people  remains 


184          HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

to  be  solved.  The  generation  which  had 
suffered  from  Ismail  is  dying  out,  and  the 
increased  prosperity  of  the  peasant  is  largely 
discounted  by  a  sensational  rise  in  the  cost 
of  living.  Large  numbers  of  Egyptians  re- 
sent the  continued  domination  of  a  foreign 
Power  which  has  repeatedly  promised  to 
withdraw.  The  Legislative  Council  and  the 
General  Assembly  instituted  by  Lord  Duf- 
ferin  in  1883  have  never  possessed  real  author- 
ity. On  the  death  of  Tewfik  in  1892  his  son 
Abbas  vainly  endeavoured  to  assert  himself 
by  choosing  his  Ministers;  but  the  Nation- 
alist movement  grew  rapidly  in  the  last  years 
of  Lord  Cromer's  rule,  and  found  a  leader  in 
a  young  lawyer  and  journalist,  Mustapha 
Kamel.  The  unpopularity  of  the  Occupa- 
tion was  increased  by  the  vindictive  punish- 
ments inflicted  on  the  Denshawi  villagers  in 
1906  for  an  attack  on  British  officers  engaged 
in  pigeon-shooting,  and  was  further  revealed 
by  the  assassination  of  the  Coptic  Premier, 
Boutros  Pasha,  and  the  rejection  of  the 
Government's  proposals  in  regard  to  the  Suez 
Canal  by  the  General  Assembly.  Sir  Eldon 
Gorst,  who  succeeded  Lord  Cromer,  was 
prepared  to  go  somewhat  further  towards 
meeting  the  wishes  of  moderate  Nationalism ; 
but  the  British  residents  protested  that  his 
concessions  were  weakening  British  prestige. 
So  threatening  did  the  situation  become 


CENTRAL  AFRICA  185 

that  in  1910  Sir  Edward  Grey  announced 
that  there  was  no  intention  of  evacuating 
Egypt  and  that  attacks  on  the  Government 
would  be  sternly  repressed.  Since  this  dec- 
laration the  situation  has  been  outwardly 
more  tranquil;  but  the  conflict  with  the 
Nationalist  press  continues,  and  the  events 
of  the  last  few  years  have  revealed  how 
precarious  is  the  foundation  on  which  British 
rule  in  Egypt  rests. 

II 

While  France  has  lost  her  privileged  posi- 
tion on  the  Nile,  she  now  dominates  the 
huge  north-west  shoulder  of  the  Dark  Con- 
tinent. Algeria,  the  conquest  of  Louis 
Philippe,  has  been  a  drain  on  the  mother 
country;  but  Tunis  has  made  more  rapid 
progress.  The  Treaty  of  Algeciras  recognised 
her  special  position  in  Morocco.  A  series  of 
outrages  led  in  1907  to  the  occupation  of 
Udja,  near  the  Algerian  frontier,  and  of 
Casablanca  and  the  Shawia  district  on  the 
Atlantic  coast.  In  1911,  the  Sultan  being 
hard  pressed  by  rebel  tribes,  French  troops 
were  dispatched  to  Fez  to  restore  his  au- 
thority. The  probability  that  Morocco  will 
be  engulfed  is  increased  by  the  fact  that  the 
vast  territory  to  the  south  and  east  is  now 
included  in  the  French  sphere  of  influence. 
An  advance  into  the  interior  from  Senegal 


186          HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

was  undertaken  by  Faidherbe  during  the 
Second  Empire,  and  in  1880  began  a  further 
move  to  the  Upper  Niger,  though  Timbuctoo 
was  not  occupied  till  1903.  When  the 
scramble  for  Africa  commenced,  France  de- 
termined to  secure  a  foothold  on  the  Guinea 
Coast.  The  Ivory  Coast  was  annexed  in 
1891,  and  in  1892  the  little  kingdom  of  Da- 
homey was  conquered.  Meanwhile,  desiring 
that  no  European  Power  should  drive  a 
wedge  between  her  new  empire  on  the  Niger 
and  her  Mediterranean  colonies,  she  obtained 
in  1890  British  recognition  of  her  sphere  of 
influence  as  far  east  as  Lake  Chad. 

Farther  south  French  settlements  had  ex- 
isted on  the  Congo  coast  since  Louis  Philippe. 
During  the  early  years  of  the  Third  Republic 
De  Brazza  pushed  far  into  the  interior  simul- 
taneously with  Stanley,  keeping  mainly  to  the 
northern  banks  of  the  great  river.  When  the 
Berlin  Conference  created  the  Congo  Free 
State,  France  insisted  on  a  large  part  of  the 
western  and  northern  watershed.  Starting 
from  their  new  colony,  the  French  Congo, 
missions  pushed  north  to  Lake  Chad,  thus 
opening  up  an  all-French  route  to  the  Medi- 
terranean. By  the  Anglo-French  Conven- 
tion of  1899  Great  Britain  recognised  French 
claims  to  Wadai.  Thus,  with  the  exception 
of  Liberia  and  the  European  coastal  colonies, 
the  whole  of  North- West  Africa  from  Tunis 


CENTRAL  AFRICA  187 

to  the  Congo,  from  Senegal  to  Lake  Chad,  is 
scheduled  as  the  French  sphere  of  influence. 
France  is  in  mileage  the  greatest  African 
power;  but  a  large  part  of  her  claim  is 
unconquered  and  even  unexplored,  while 
the  Sahara  can  scarcely  be  reckoned  as  a 
marketable  asset.  Her  rule,  moreover,  is 
exposed  to  danger  from  the  Mohammedan 
Sultanates  of  Central  Africa  and  from  the 
mysterious  power  of  the  Senussi.  On  the 
other  side  of  Africa,  France  has  annexed 
Madagascar.  A  protectorate  was  established 
over  the  island  in  1885  after  severe  fighting; 
but  the  inhabitants  refused  to  acquiesce,  and 
the  final  step  was  taken  in  1895,  when  a 
French  army  landed  and  captured  the  capital 
Antananarivo.  The  Queen  was  deposed,  and 
in  1896  the  island  became  a  French  colony. 

The  largest  State  in  Central  Africa  is  the 
Belgian  Congo.  From  the  beginning  of  his 
reign  King  Leopold  had  followed  the  explora- 
tion of  the  Dark  Continent  with  passionate 
interest.  At  his  invitation  a  Geographical 
Congress  assembled  at  Brussels  in  1876,  from 
which  arose  an  International  Association 
for  the  Civilisation  of  Central  Africa,  with 
himself  as  President.  Each  nation  was  to 
undertake  a  section  of  the  work.  But  the 
national  committees  became  independent, 
and  the  Association  itself  was  soon  a  purely 
Belgian  body.  The  journey  of  Stanley  from 


188          HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

the  Indian  Ocean  to  the  Great  Lakes,  and 
from  the  Great  Lakes  along  the  Congo  to 
the  Atlantic  (1874-77),  riveted  the  King's 
attention  on  the  Congo  basin.  A  "Com- 
mittee for  the  Study  of  the  Upper  Congo" 
was  founded,  and  in  1879  Stanley  was  dis- 
patched to  conclude  treaties  with  the  chiefs. 
In  1884,  when  forty  stations  had  been 
founded  and  five  steamers  were  on  the  river, 
the  Committee  of  Study  changed  its  name  to 
the  International  Association  of  the  Congo, 
and  was  recognised  by  the  United  States. 
At  this  moment  the  new  State  was  threatened 
by  a  great  danger.  Portugal  persuaded 
Great  Britain  to  recognise  her  claims  over 
the  mouth  of  the  river.  Leopold  immediately 
concluded  an  agreement  with  France,  offer- 
ing the  pre-emption  of  his  territory  in  return 
for  French  recognition.  Bismarck  added  his 
protest,  and  the  Anglo-Portuguese  treaty 
remained  unratified.  Germany  now  recog- 
nised the  Congo  State,  and  issued  invitations 
to  a  Conference  at  Berlin  to  discuss  out- 
standing questions  of  African  colonisation. 
The  Conference  recognised  the  Congo  State, 
and  the  King  undertook  to  ameliorate  the 
condition  of  the  natives  and  to  allow  freedom 
of  commerce. 

A  year  or  two  after  reaching  the  summit  of 
his  ambition  Leopold  began  to  betray  the 
conditions  of  his  trust.  Unoccupied  land  was 


CENTRAL  AFRICA  189 

declared  to  belong  to  the  State.  Companies 
received  concessions  to  collect  rubber,  and 
paid  half  the  profits  to  the  King.  In  1891 
permission  was  given  by  the  Powers  to  levy 
import  duties,  and  practically  the  whole 
trade  of  the  country  was  soon  a  Belgian 
monopoly.  The  most  valuable  parts  of  the 
vast  territory  were  appropriated  as  the 
Domaine  de  la  Couronne.  The  Belgians  com- 
mitted or  allowed  incredible  cruelties.  A 
crushing  tribute  of  rubber  was  demanded 
from  the  villages,  and  among  the  penalties 
for  non-payment  was  mutilation.  The  vast 
country  was  ruled  by  a  handful  of  ill-paid 
and  uncontrolled  officials.  Stokes,  an  Eng- 
lish missionary  who  had  become  a  trader, 
was  suspected  of  furnishing  the  natives  with 
powder,  and  hanged  without  trial.  A  rail- 
way was  built  from  the  coast  to  Stanley 
Pool,  where  the  river  enters  the  rapids,  and 
some  of  the  more  obvious  necessities  of 
civilisation  were  introduced  into  the  towns; 
but  the  regime  was  one  of  ruthless  exploita- 
tion. Harrowing  tales  were  sent  home  by 
the  missionaries,  and  confirmed  by  the 
official  report  of  Mr.  Casement,  British 
Consul  at  Boma.  Meanwhile  the  Aborigines 
Protection  Society  urged  the  British  Govern- 
ment in  1896  to  take  action.  In  1897  Sir 
Charles  Dilke  demanded  an  International 
Conference  to  save  the  natives.  When  the 


190          HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

Government  refused,  the  Congo  Reform  Asso- 
ciation was  founded,  with  Mr.  Morel  as  secre- 
tary. In  1903  Lord  Lansdowne  at  length 
called  the  attention  of  the  signatories  of  the 
Berlin  Act  to  the  breaches  of  its  provisions. 
Leopold  denied  the  right  to  intervene,  and  it 
was  hinted  that  British  action  was  prompted 
by  selfish  ambitions. 

Though  the  proceeds  of  "Red  Rubber" 
were  used  to  embellish  Brussels  and  Ostend, 
and  Belgium  was  made  heir  to  the  vast 
colonial  empire  by  the  King's  will  of  1889, 
the  voice  of  criticism  was  at  last  raised  by 
Vandervelde,  the  Socialist  leader.  The  as- 
sent of  Parliament  to  the  King's  assumption 
of  the  sovereignty  in  1885  had  been  given 
without  enthusiasm.  When  made  his  heir 
Belgium  reluctantly  advanced  a  million 
pounds  in  return  for  power  to  annex  after 
ten  years.  When  further  assistance  was 
needed  in  1895  the  Government  arranged  to 
annex  at  once;  but  public  opinion  was 
hostile,  and  the  project  dropped.  Criti- 
cism, both  at  home  and  abroad,  became  so 
insistent  that  in  1904  the  King  felt  con- 
strained to  appoint  a  Commission  of  Inquiry. 
Its  report  revealed  such  deplorable  condi- 
tions that  sweeping  reforms  were  at  once 
promised,  and  in  1906  annexation  began  to 
be  discussed.  A  treaty  was  concluded  in 
1907  by  which  the  Congo  State  was  trans- 


CENTRAL  AFRICA  191 

f erred  to  Belgium;  but  the  opposition  to  the 
retention  of  the  Domaine  de  la  Couronne  led 
to  an  additional  Act  in  1908  providing  for  its 
purchase.  With  the  accession  of  King  Albert 
in  1909  a  brighter  era  seemed  to  be  dawning. 
A  new  system  of  government  was  announced, 
the  abolition  of  forced  labour  was  promised, 
and  the  Congo  basin  was  gradually  opened  to 
foreign  trade.  France  and  Germany  at  once 
recognised  the  transfer,  but  the  British  and 
American  Governments  withhold  recognition 
till  they  are  satisfied  that  the  abuses  have 
disappeared. 

The  German  colonies  in  Africa  date  from 
the  scramble  of  1884.  In  1878  a  German 
branch  of  the  International  African  Associa- 
tion was  founded,  and  both  the  hinterland 
of  Zanzibar  and  the  Southern  Congo  were 
explored.  The  first  definite  step  towards 
colonisation  was  taken  in  South- West  Africa, 
where  for  many  years  German  missionaries 
had  worked  among  the  Damaras  and  Her- 
reros.  In  1883  Liideritz,  a  Bremen  merchant, 
established  a  trading  station  at  Angra  Pe- 
quena  in  Damaraland;  and,  after  waiting  to 
see  if  Great  Britain  desired  to  annex  the 
country,  Bismarck  declared  the  coast  from 
Angola  to  Cape  Colony  under  German  pro- 
tection in  1884.  During  the  same  summer 
Togoland,  a  small  kingdom  to  the  east  of  the 
British  Gold  Coast,  and  the  Cameroons,  a 


192          HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

large  tract  in  the  bend  of  the  Gulf  of  Guinea 
which  ultimately  extended  inland  as  far  as 
Lake  Chad,  were  declared  German  Protec- 
torates. In  the  autumn  Dr.  Peters,  the  Ger- 
man Rhodes,  landed  at  Zanzibar.  Pushing 
into  the  interior  he  signed  treaties  with  the 
chiefs,  and  founded  the  German  East  African 
Company,  to  which  the  Government  granted 
a  Charter,  despite  the  energetic  protests  of 
the  Sultan  of  Zanzibar.  In  1886  the  respec- 
tive spheres  of  Great  Britain,  Germany,  and 
Zanzibar  were  delimited.  The  German  Com- 
pany was  too  weak  to  repress  a  dangerous 
revolt  among  the  Arabs  in  1888,  and  an  Im- 
perial Commissioner  was  sent  to  take  over  the 
Government.  In  1890  Germany  recognised 
a  British  Protectorate  over  Zanzibar  in  re- 
turn for  the  cession  of  Heligoland,  and  carried 
her  own  frontier  to  the  Congo  State.  From 
that  time  German  East  Africa  has  had  a  fairly 
prosperous  career.  The  fortunes  of  German 
South- West  Africa,  on  the  other  hand,  have 
been  chequered.  Incessant  conflict  with  the 
Hottentots  filled  the  first  decade;  and  after  a 
peaceful  interval  a  formidable  and  costly  re- 
bellion broke  out  in  1903  among  the  Herreros 
in  the  north,  which  was  not  quelled  till  1908. 
The  Portuguese  colonies,  the  oldest  on  the 
continent,  have  been  passed  in  the  race,  and 
a  bold  attempt  to  connect  Mozambique 
with  Angola  brought  an  ultimatum  from 


CENTRAL  AFRICA  193 

Great  Britain  in  1890.  Despite  this  severe 
rebuff,  a  measure  of  prosperity  has  come 
with  the  railways  into  the  interior,  Delagoa 
Bay  forming  the  gate  of  the  Transvaal  and 
Beira  an  outlet  for  Rhodesia.  On  the  west 
coast  Angola  has  been  the  scene  of  raids 
for  the  supply  of  servicaes  for  the  cocoa 
plantations  on  the  islands  of  Principe  and 
San  Thome. 

The  growth  of  British  territory  in  Central 
Africa  has  been  scarcely  less  rapid  than  in 
the  north  and  south.  On  the  west  coast  King 
Prempeh  was  dethroned  and  Ashanti  annexed 
in  1896,  an  expedition  was  dispatched  to 
Benin  in  1897  to  avenge  a  massacre,  and  in 
1898  a  rising  was  suppressed  in  Sierra  Leone. 
But  by  far  the  greatest  achievement  has 
been  the  building  up  of  Nigeria,  which  now 
stretches  inland  to  the  shores  of  Lake  Chad. 
In  1879  Sir  George  Goldie  amalgamated  the 
British  firms  trading  on  the  river  into  the 
United  African  Company.  Attracted  by  the 
development  of  trade  two  French  Companies 
were  formed,  but  were  bought  out  before  the 
meeting  of  the  Berlin  Conference,  which  ap- 
proved the  British  claim  to  a  protectorate. 
In  1885  a  treaty  with  the  Sultan  of  Sokoto 
secured  to  the  Company  the  trading  rights 
of  that  thickly  populated  country  and  the 
control  of  its  foreign  relations.  A  Charter 
was  granted  to  the  Royal  Niger  Company  in 


194          HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

1886,  with  control  over  the  banks  of  the 
river,  while  in  1893  the  outlying  districts 
both  east  and  west  were  organised  as  a 
Protectorate  under  the  Crown.  A  brisk 
competition  with  France  for  influence  on  the 
Middle  Niger  continued  till  the  spheres  were 
settled  in  1898.  By  1899  the  task  had  out- 
grown the  strength  of  the  Chartered  Com- 
pany, which  was  bought  out  by  the  Crown 
and  became  Northern  Nigeria.  In  1902  the 
Fulahs  revolted;  but  Kano  was  occupied 
and  the  kingdom  of  Bornu  conquered.  The 
Niger  Coast  Protectorate  became  Southern 
Nigeria,  which  was  united  to  Lagos  in  1906. 
In  1911  the  railway  reached  Kano,  nine 
hundred  miles  from  the  sea. 

The  East  African  Convention  between 
Great  Britain  and  Germany  in  1886  did  not 
prevent  friction  in  the  hinterland.  In  1890 
Dr.  Peters  entered  Uganda  and  persuaded 
the  King  to  place  himself  under  German 
protection;  but  in  the  same  year  Germany 
surrendered  her  claim.  The  British  East 
Africa  Company,  which  had  received  a 
Charter  in  1887,  found  the  new  territory 
too  great  a  burden  and  gave  notice  of  with- 
drawal in  1892.  Sir  Gerald  Portal  was  sent 
to  report  on  the  situation  in  1893,  and  by 
his  advice  Uganda  was  retained  and  a  Pro- 
tectorate proclaimed  in  1894.  In  1896  the 
Company  sold  its  rights  to  the  Imperial 


SOUTH  AFRICA  195 

authorities,  and  the  British  East  Africa 
Protectorate  was  constituted.  The  Uganda 
railway,  begun  in  1896,  reached  Victoria 
Nyanza  in  1909.  Though  Mombasa  and  the 
coast-line  are  unhealthy,  Nairobi  and  the 
highlands  have  proved  themselves  well  suited 
to  European  residents.  Farther  north  the 
Imperial  Government  withdrew  from  the 
interior  of  Somaliland  in  1910  after  a  decade 
of  costly  and  ineffectual  strife. 

Ill 

The  most  important  event  in  the  recent 
history  of  the  Dark  Continent  is  the  building 
up  of  a  great  empire  in  South  Africa  under 
the  British  flag.  The  premature  annexation 
of  the  Transvaal  in  1877  led  to  a  successful 
revolt  of  the  Boers  in  1881,  and  to  a  harvest 
of  racial  hostility.  The  discovery  of  goldf 
on  the  Witwatersrand  in  1886  was  followed 
by  an  enormous  influx  of  Europeans  into 
the  conservative  farming  community  of  the 
Transvaal.  A  great  cosmopolitan  city  arose 
at  Johannesburg  within  forty  miles  of  Pre- 
toria. Fearing  that  the  immigrants  would 
swamp  their  national  life  the  Boers  ex- 
cluded the  newcomers,  whom  they  regarded 
as  birds  of  passage,  from  any  share  in  the 
political  life  of  the  country.  Had  the 
Government  been  reasonably  efficient,  the 


196          HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

anomaly  might  have  been  tolerated;  but 
the  regime  of  President  Kruger  was  corrupt 
as  well  as  reactionary.  In  vain  did  Lord 
Loch,  the  High  Commissioner,  visit  Pre- 
toria in  1894  and  warn  the  President  that 
he  must  make  concessions.  In  the  follow- 
ing year  the  Netherlands  Railway  Company 
raised  their  terms  so  high  that  the  Cape 
traders  sent  their  goods  by  wagon  across 
the  Vaal  River.  Kruger  retaliated  by 
closing  the  drifts,  but  yielded  to  a  British 
ultimatum. 

While  Kruger  stood  out  as  the  champion 
of  Boer  conservatism,  Rhodes  gradually 
emerged  as  the  representative  of  British 
claims  and  ideals.  He  had  settled  in  South 
Africa  in  1870  and  rapidly  made  his  fortune 
in  the  diamond  mines  at  Kimberley.  Enter- 
ing the  Cape  Parliament  in  1884  he  at  once 
became  a  force,  and  began  to  win  converts 
for  his  grandiose  visions  of  expansion.  By 
his  advice  the  Imperial  Government  kept 
open  the  road  to  the  north  by  dispatching 
the  Warren  expedition  in  1884  to  evict  the 
Transvaal  Boers  who  had  settled  in  Bechu- 
analand.  Southern  Bechuanaland  became  a 
Crown  colony  and  the  North  a  Protectorate. 
In  1888  Lobengula,  King  of  the  Matabele, 
granted  a  concession  of  mineral  rights  to 
Rhodes'  agents.  In  1889  Rhodes  founded 
the  British  South  Africa  Company  for  the 


SOUTH  AFRICA  197 

development  of  the  interior,  dreaming  of  a 
dominion  that  should  stretch  to  the  Zambesi 
and  beyond.  In  1890  the  pioneer  expedition 
set  forth,  guided  by  Mr.  Selous,  the  famous 
hunter,  and  a  fort  was  established  at  Salis- 
bury in  Mashonaland.  The  Transvaal  with- 
drew its  claim  to  the  north  of  the  Limpopo 
River;  and  in  1891  an  Anglo-Portuguese 
treaty  was  signed  recognising  Portuguese 
rights  over  the  coast  district  of  the  Zambesi 
and  British  rights  over  Matabeleland,  Ma- 
shonaland, and  the  districts  beyond  the  great 
river.  Part  of  the  latter  was  entrusted  to  the 
Chartered  Company  under  the  name  of 
Northern  Rhodesia.  A  Protectorate  was 
declared  over  Nyasaland,  which  in  1893 
received  the  name  of  British  Central  Africa 
and  in  1907  that  of  the  Nyasaland  Protec- 
torate. The  first  crisis  in  the  fortunes  of  the 
Company  occurred  in  1893,  when  the  Mata- 
bele  attacked  the  scattered  settlers.  The 
Company  was  victorious,  Bulawayo,  the 
Matabele  capital,  was  taken,  and  Lobengula 
fled.  A  final  revolt,  mainly  due  to  harsh 
treatment  of  the  natives,  broke  out  in  1896, 
but  was  terminated  by  a  visit  of  Rhodes  to 
the  Matabele  camp.  A  year  later  the  railway 
reached  Bulawayo,  and  an  outlet  to  the  coast 
was  effected  by  a  line  from  Salisbury  to 
Beira.  The  expenses  of  the  new  State  were  so 
great  that  for  many  years  large  deficits  were 


198          HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

incurred,  while  friction  arose  between  the 
settlers  and  the  Company.  In  1905  the  rail- 
way crossed  the  Zambesi,  and  the  vast,  thinly- 
populated  regions  beyond  are  now  divided 
into  North- West  and  North-East  Rhodesia, 
the  former  stretching  to  the  Congo  State, 
the  latter  to  German  East  Africa  and  Lake 
Tanganyika. 

In  1895  Rhodes  was  the  most  successful 
as  well  as  the  most  striking  personality  in 
South  Africa.  He  was  master  of  Kimberley, 
Prime  Minister  of  Cape  Colony,  founder  of 
Rhodesia,  largely  interested  in  the  Rand 
mines,  and  on  excellent  terms  with  Hofmeyr 
and  the  Bond.  Yet  by  a  single  false  move 
he  shattered  his  power  and  revived  racial 
discord.  Despairing  of  obtaining  the  redress 
of  their  grievances  from  Pretoria,  the  Out- 
landers  determined  to  take  the  law  into 
their  own  hands.  Rhodes  offered  the  help 
of  the  Chartered  Company's  mounted  police, 
whom  he  held  in  readiness  on  the  western 
frontier.  Dr.  Jameson,  their  commander, 
was  supplied  with  a  letter  pretending  that 
the  women  and  children  of  Johannesburg 
were  in  danger  and  summoning  him  to  their 
defence.  Differences  arose  as  to  what  flag 
should  be  raised  if  the  Outlanders  were 
successful.  Before  agreement  had  been 
reached,  Jameson  crossed  the  frontier  on 
December  29th,  and  was  quickly  compelled 


SOUTH  AFRICA  199 

to  surrender  to  a  superior  force  of  Boers. 
The  whole  of  South  Africa  was  convulsed 
by  the  Raid,  and  the  Dutch  realised  that 
they  must  stand  together.  Kruger's  re- 
actionary government  had  become  abhorrent 
to  the  progressive  Boers,  and  in  the  Presi- 
dential election  of  1894  he  had  won  by 
a  narrow  majority;  but  the  Raid  revived 
his  waning  power  and  made  him  the  symbol 
of  national  independence.  At  the  next 
election  he  obtained  an  immense  majority, 
and  in  1897  a  military  alliance  was  formed 
with  the  Orange  River  Colony.  At  the  same 
time  the  Transvaal  began  to  order  large 
quantities  of  guns  and  ammunition  from 
Europe.  The  country  had  been  treacherously 
annexed  in  1877  and  treacherously  attacked 
in  1895,  and  it  was  common  prudence  to  be 
prepared  for  a  further  surprise. 

The  mischief  of  the  Raid  was  increased 
by  the  failure  of  the  South  Africa  Committee 
to  insist  on  the  production  of  all  the  relevant 
documents  and  by  the  refusal  of  the  British 
Government  to  inflict  any  punishment  on 
Rhodes.  The  Dutch  believed  that  the 
Colonial  Office  had  known  of  the  conspiracy 
and  that  the  missing  telegrams  would  have 
proved  it.  The  relations  of  the  two  races 
became  steadily  worse,  and  men  in  both 
camps  began  to  speak  of  a  war  for  the 
supremacy  of  South  Africa.  The  situation 


200          HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

demanded  exceptional  tact  on  both  sides  if 
a  rupture  was  to  be  avoided;  but  tact  was 
sadly  lacking.  Kruger  was  obstinate  and 
narrow-minded.  Mr.  Chamberlain  was  un- 
fitted by  temperament  for  the  delicate  tasks 
of  diplomacy,  and  his  assertion  of  suzerainty 
in  a  form  at  variance  with  Lord  Derby's 
concessions  in  the  London  Convention  of 
1884  was  needlessly  provocative.  The  situa- 
tion was  rendered  still  more  critical  by  the 
speeches  and  dispatches  of  Sir  Alfred  Milner, 
who  was  appointed  High  Commissioner  in 
1897.  A  monster  petition  from  the  Out- 
landers  early  in  1899  extracted  a  promise 
of  intervention.  Kruger  and  the  High 
Commissioner  met  at  Bloemfontein  in  May, 
but  failed  to  reach  a  compromise.  The 
discussion  of  naturalisation  and  franchise 
reforms  lasted  through  the  summer.  In 
September  troops  were  dispatched  from 
England  and  India,  and  on  October  9th  the 
Transvaal  Government  issued  an  ultimatum. 
The  responsibility  for  the  war  must  be 
divided.  A  large  share  obviously  falls  to 
Kruger;  but  as  Krugerism  was  dying  when 
the  Raid  gave  it  a  new  lease  of  life,  the 
share  of  Rhodes  must  be  pronounced  at 
least  as  great.  Even  after  the  Raid  a  more 
tactful  diplomacy  in  Downing  Street  and 
Cape  Town  might  well  have  avoided  the 
terrible  conflict. 


SOUTH  AFRICA  201 

The  war  began  with  the  invasion  of  Natal, 
where  the  British  troops,  after  victories  at 
Talana  Hill  and  Elandslaagte,  fell  back  before 
superior  numbers  to  Ladysmith.  At  the 
same  time  Mafeking  and  Kimberley  were 
invested,  and  Cape  Colony  was  invaded. 
With  the  arrival  of  Buller  the  British  forces 
undertook  the  offensive,  and  the  second 
stage  of  the  war  began.  Methuen  marched 
to  the  relief  of  Kimberley,  but  was  hurled 
back  at  Magersfontein  on  December  10th. 
On  the  same  day  Gatacre  was  defeated  at 
Stormberg,  and  at  the  end  of  the  week 
Buller's  attempt  to  cross  the  Tugela  at 
Colenso  was  repulsed  by  Botha,  who  had 
become  Commander-in-Chief  on  the  death 
of  Joubert.  The  triple  defeat  revealed  the 
magnitude  of  the  struggle.  Lord  Roberts 
was  appointed  to  the  supreme  command 
with  Lord  Kitchener  to  assist  him,  and  the 
Colonies  vied  with  one  another  in  the  dis- 
patch of  volunteers.  The  third  stage  in  the 
war  was  reached  when  French's  cavalry, 
making  a  detour  of  the  Boer  camp,  relieved 
Kimberley,  and  Cronje,  placed  between  two 
fires,  fled  from  his  entrenchments  and  sur- 
rendered with  4000  men  at  Paardeberg.  The 
capture  of  Cronje  in  February  1900  was  the 
turning-point  of  the  war.  The  Free  State  was 
quickly  overrun  and  Bloemfontein  was  occu- 
pied. At  the  end  of  the  same  month  Buller, 


202          HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

after  a  costly  repulse  at  Spion  Kop,  relieved 
Ladysmith  and  drove  the  Boers  out  of 
Natal.  Mafeking,  heroically  defended  by 
Baden-Powell,  was  relieved  in  May,  and  in 
June  Lord  Roberts  occupied  Johannesburg 
and  Pretoria.  Kruger  fled  to  Europe,  and 
the  war  entered  on  its  fourth  and  final  stage, 
in  which  the  Boers  fought  not  for  victory  but 
for  honour,  and  De  Wet  revealed  his  skill 
as  a  guerrilla  chief.  The  prolonged  struggle 
brought  increasing  embitterment;  but  neither 
overwhelming  numbers,  nor  the  wholesale 
devastation  of  the  country,  nor  the  appalling 
mortality  among  the  children  in  the  Con- 
centration Camps  secured  the  unconditional 
surrender  which  the  Government  were  long 
unwise  enough  to  demand.  The  Treaty 
of  Vereeniging,  signed  in  May  1902,  while 
registering  the  loss  of  their  independence, 
granted  terms  which  brave  men  could  accept 
without  humiliation. 

The  prolonged  conflict  turned  a  large  part 
of  South  Africa  into  a  desert.  The  Boer 
prisoners  were  brought  back  from  India  and 
St.  Helena,  and  assisted  by  grants  and  loans. 
The  mining  community  returned  to  Johan- 
nesburg; but  the  mine-owners,  finding  a 
difficulty  in  obtaining  native  labour  at  the 
wages  paid  before  the  war,  prevailed  on  the 
British  Government  to  sanction  the  importa- 
tion of  Chinese  coolies.  The  victory  of  the 


SOUTH  AFRICA  203 

Liberal  party  at  the  polls  in  1906  was  followed 
by  important  changes.  The  further  im- 
portation of  Chinese  was  forbidden,  and  full 
self-government  was  granted  to  the  con- 
quered republics.  The  courageous  generosity 
of  the  act  struck  the  imagination  of  the  world, 
and  the  conviction  of  Campbell-Bannerman 
that  self-government  alone  could  heal  the 
wounds  of  war  was  abundantly  justified  by 
events.  Racial  bitterness  steadily  decreased 
when  British  and  Dutch  found  themselves 
co-operating  in  the  task  of  reconstruction. 
The  Transvaal  elections  made  General  Botha 
Premier  with  a  composite  Cabinet.  The 
Chinese,  whose  outbreaks  had  caused  terror 
in  the  environs  of  Johannesburg,  were  grad- 
ually repatriated,  and  their  departure  was 
followed  by  a  steady  increase  in  the  output 
of  the  mines. 

Attention  was  soon  turned  to  a  problem 
of  more  than  local  importance.  There  were 
now  four  self-governing  colonies,  the  interests 
of  which  touched  at  many  points.  Questions 
of  tariffs,  railways,  and  immigration  invited 
common  action,  and  the  greatest  of  all  prob- 
lems, that  of  the  native  races,  suggested  the 
union  of  the  white  governments  for  counsel 
and  defence.  A  Convention  met  in  secret 
session  at  Durban  and  later  at  Cape  Town 
during  the  summer  of  1908-1909  and  framed 
a  constitution,  not  federal  but  unitary,  which 


204          HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

was  accepted  by  the  colonies  concerned  and 
embodied  in  a  Statute  by  the  British  Parlia- 
ment. General  Botha,  who  was  invited  to 
form  the  first  Ministry,  obtained  a  working 
majority  at  the  elections,  and  the  Union 
Parliament  was  opened  in  Cape  Town  in  1910 
by  the  Duke  of  Connaught. 


CHAPTER  IX 

THE   NEW   WORLD 
I 

THE  war  between  North  and  South  was 
followed  by  a  rapid  restoration  of  material 
prosperity  and  by  the  uncontested  pre- 
dominance of  the  party  under  whose  auspices 
the  victory  had  been  won.  But  the  pro- 
longed tenure  of  office  during  the  period  of 
reconstruction  demoralised  the  Republicans. 
General  Grant  failed  as  conspicuously  in  the 
White  House  as  he  had  shone  on  the  battle- 
field, and  a  lax  spirit  invaded  the  adminis- 
tration. A  demand  for  new  methods  began 
to  make  itself  heard  under  Garfield,  and 
it  was  weariness  rather  than  enthusiasm 
for  the  Democrats  which  decided  the  election 
of  1884.  The  Republican  candidate,  Elaine, 
was  believed  to  have  used  his  position  as 
Speaker  to  enrich  himself  by  dealings  with 
the  corporations,  and  the  Mugwumps,  or 
reforming  Republicans,  led  by  Carl  Schurz, 
did  not  hesitate  to  vote  for  Cleveland. 

The  new  President  was  confronted  by  a 
formidable  task.  His  Mugwump  supporters 

205 


2(X5          HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

urged  him  to  stand  outside  party;  but  he 
was  determined  to  act  as  a  Democrat,  and 
he  introduced  large  numbers  of  Democrats 
into  the  Civil  Service,  which  had  been  a 
Republican  monopoly  for  a  generation.  As 
the  Senate  was  hostile,  party  legislation  and 
an  independent  foreign  policy  were  impos- 
sible; yet  Cleveland,  for  the  first  time  since 
Lincoln,  stamped  his  individuality  on  the 
life  of  the  State,  and  his  sturdy  independ- 
ence was  shown  by  his  repeated  veto  of  bills  to 
extend  pensions  to  the  survivors  or  depend- 
ents of  those  who  had  fought  in  the  Civil 
War.  The  gravest  problem  that  he  had  to 
face  was  labour  discontent.  In  the  early 
days  of  Californian  development  Chinese 
labourers  had  played  a  useful  part;  but  as 
their  numbers  increased  the  dangers  of  a 
large  alien  population  which  could  not  be 
Americanised  and  whose  low  standard  of 
living  threatened  to  drive  the  American 
workman  from  the  field  became  apparent. 
In  1882  Chinese  immigration  was  forbidden 
for  ten  years,  and  in  1888  the  exclusion  was 
made  permanent  at  the  instance  of  the 
Pacific  States,  where  riotous  attacks  on  the 
Chinese  quarters  were  frequent.  But  it  was 
not  only  in  the  West  that  troubles  arose. 
The  Knights  of  Labour  had  come  to  number 
over  hah*  a  million  and  had  grown  to  be  a 
power  hi  the  land.  In  1886  a  serious  conflict 


THE  UNITED  STATES  207 

with  the  police  occurred  in  Chicago;  but  a 
reaction  of  opinion  followed  the  riot.  The 
Knights  were  touched  with  anarchy,  and  the 
loosely  knit  structure  crumbled  to  pieces,  its 
place  being  taken  by  the  American  Federation 
of  Labour. 

Cleveland  was  not  the  only  man  who 
traced  economic  discontent  in  large  measure 
to  the  high  tariff  imposed  during  the  Civil 
War,  and  in  1887  he  devoted  his  annual 
Message  to  the  subject.  A  wholesale  re- 
duction of  duties  passed  the  House,  but 
was  rejected  in  the  Senate.  In  the  Presi- 
dential campaign  of  1888,  General  Harrison 
obtained  a  small  majority,  and  the  Repub- 
licans regained  control  of  the  House  of  Rep- 
resentatives. They  had  learned  their  lesson. 
The  country  realised  that  it  could  turn 
to  the  Democrats  without  danger,  and  the 
victorious  party  knew  that  the  days  of 
Grant  and  Elaine  could  not  be  restored. 

The  wounds  of  war  had  been  healed, 
but  a  wide  divergence  of  opinion  separated 
the  south  and  west  from  the  east.  It  was 
the  difference  between  an  agricultural  and 
an  industrial  population.  The  former  asked 
for  a  paper  or  silver  currency  to  facilitate 
business  exchange,  resented  the  power  of 
the  railways  and  capitalist  corporations,  and 
believed  that  the  small  farmer  and  trader 
were  being  sacrificed  to  their  great  com- 


208          HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

petitors.  The  Democrats,  drawing  their 
strength  from  the  west  and  south,  were 
the  chief  champions  of  currency  changes; 
but  the  Republicans  were  unwilling  to  be 
outdone.  In  1890  the  Sherman  Act  com- 
pelled the  Treasury  to  buy  4j  million  ounces 
of  silver  monthly,  paying  for  it  in  Treasury 
notes  redeemable  on  demand  in  gold  or 
silver  coin,  and,  when  redeemed,  to  be  re- 
issued. The  measure  did  not  satisfy  the 
advocates  of  sound  money,  but  was  accepted 
by  them  in  order  to  avoid  a  bill  for  the  free 
coinage  of  silver  at  16  to  1.  In  the  same 
year  a  law  to  restrain  trusts  was  carried, 
and  the  McKinley  tariff  largely  increased  the 
duties  on  imports. 

Harrison,  though  estimable  and  honest, 
possessed  no  political  ability,  and  Elaine, 
his  brilliant  Secretary  of  State,  inspired  no 
confidence.  The  Democrats  won  back  their 
majority  in  the  House  in  1890,  and  in  1892 
Cleveland  was  elected  for  a  second  time. 
A  candidate  of  the  new  People's  party  re- 
ceived over  a  million  votes.  The  Populists 
maintained  that  the  nation  was  on  the  verge 
of  moral  and  material  ruin,  the  result  of 
capitalist  oppression.  The  remedies  were  to 
be  found  in  free  coinage  of  silver  at  the  ratio 
of  16  to  1,  a  graduated  income  tax,  State 
ownership  of  railways,  and  State  loans  to 
the  people.  Many  members  of  the  older 


THE  UNITED  STATES  209 

parties  also  favoured  the  demand  that  gold, 
silver,  and  paper  should  be  equally  valid. 
Cleveland,  on  the  other  hand,  denounced  all 
tampering  with  the  standards  of  value.  Dur- 
ing his  first  presidency  he  had  in  vain  urged 
the  suspension  of  compulsory  coinage  of  2 
to  4  million  silver  dollars  monthly  im- 
posed on  the  State  in  1878,  on  the  ground 
that  they  were  worth  less  than  their  face 
value  as  compared  with  gold,  that  less  than 
a  quarter  of  them  had  found  their  way  into 
circulation,  and  that  as  they  were  legal 
tender  they  were  quickly  returned  to  the 
Treasury.  The  situation  had  been  rendered 
worse  by  the  Sherman  Act.  There  was 
now  outstanding  a  mass  of  notes  which,  when 
redeemed,  had  to  be  reissued.  The  hoard- 
ing of  gold  increased,  and  it  was  difficult  to 
obtain  money  for  current  business.  If  the 
Government  ceased  to  pay  in  gold,  silver 
would  become  the  standard  of  values,  prop- 
erty would  lose  half  its  value,  and  credit 
would  collapse.  In  1893  the  situation  became 
critical,  and  on  his  inauguration  Cleveland 
called  a  special  session  of  Congress,  demand- 
ing the  repeal  of  the  purchase  clause  of  the 
Sherman  Act.  The  Senate  delayed  the  bill 
for  weeks,  while  business  was  paralysed. 
Finally,  in  October,  it  gave  way. 

Though    the   revenue    suffered   from   the 
panic,  Cleveland  turned  to  the  revision  of 


210          HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

the  tariff.  The  free  list  was  largely  ex- 
tended, the  rates  generally  reduced  and 
based  on  value.  But  the  Senate  raised 
the  duties  and  removed  several  articles 
from  the  free  list.  The  House  accepted 
the  mutilated  measure  in  default  of  anything 
better,  and  Cleveland  allowed  the  Wilson 
tariff  to  become  law  without  his  signature. 
To  meet  the  loss  on  the  customs  an  income 
tax  was  imposed;  but  though  it  had  been 
in  operation  during  the  Civil  War  it  was  now 
declared  unconstitutional  by  the  Supreme 
Court.  The  financial  position  was  thus  pre- 
carious, and  Cleveland  desired  to  stop  the 
endless  demand  for  gold  by  ceasing  to  reissue 
notes  when  redeemed.  Though  both  Houses 
were  Democratic  for  the  first  time  since  the 
war,  they  were  filled  with  silver  men  who 
blocked  the  proposal.  It  was  a  time  of  depres- 
sion and  unrest,  and  men  sought  anxiously  for 
remedies.  Armies  of  unemployed  marched 
through  the  country,  and  strikes  broke  out. 
The  workers  of  the  Pullman  Company  at 
Chicago  tried  to  prevent  the  use  of  the 
cars.  When  traffic  was  interrupted  Cleve- 
land intervened  on  the  ground  that  the 
mails  were  being  hindered  and  interstate 
commerce  blocked.  Federal  troops  were  sent 
and  order  was  quickly  restored. 

In  foreign  affairs  Cleveland's  second  Pres- 
idency  was  eventful.     Hawaii,   which  pos- 


THE  UNITED  STATES  211 

sessed  growing  commercial  and  strategic 
importance,  was  ruled  by  a  native  Queen 
whose  authority  had  gradually  been  reduced 
to  a  shadow  by  American  settlers.  In  1876 
a  reciprocity  treaty  bound  the  islands  to 
America  by  close  economic  ties.  In  1884  the 
States  leased  a  naval  station.  In  1887  the 
suffrage  was  granted  to  the  white  settlers. 
In  1893  the  Queen  suddenly  abolished  the 
Constitution  and  restored  the  control  of  the 
Crown.  A  revolution  broke  out,  forces  were 
landed  from  an  American  warship  in  the 
harbour,  and  a  Provisional  Government  was 
established.  The  American  Minister  pro- 
claimed a  protectorate  on  his  own  initiative, 
and  Harrison  sent  an  annexation  treaty  to 
the  Senate.  A  fortnight  later  Cleveland 
became  President,  withdrew  the  treaty,  and 
repudiated  the  Minister.  But  as  the  Queen 
would  not  consent  to  an  amnesty  as  a  con- 
dition of  her  restoration,  the  Provisional 
Government  remained  in  power,  and  the 
islands  were  annexed  in  1898. 

If  Cleveland  had  no  desire  to  assume  new 
responsibilities  in  the  Pacific,  he  was  fully 
prepared  to  defend  the  claims  of  the  United 
States  on  the  mainland.  The  boundary 
between  British  Guiana  and  Venezuela  had 
never  been  fixed,  and  the  discovery  of  gold  in 
the  disputed  territory  rendered  the  settlement 
of  the  question  urgent.  When  repeated  dis- 


212          HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

cussions  led  to  no  result,  Cleveland  offered 
the  mediation  of  the  United  States  in  1895, 
and  Olney,  his  Secretary  of  State,  demanded 
arbitration.  Asserting  that  the  United  States 
were  "paramount  on  the  American  Conti- 
nent," he  declared  that  the  Monroe  Doc- 
trine "entitled  and  required"  intervention. 
Salisbury  refused  unrestricted  arbitration, 
adding  that  the  Doctrine  was  inapplicable 
to  the  controversy  and  was  in  any  case  no 
part  of  International  Law.  Cleveland  re- 
plied by  a  peremptory  Message,  announcing 
that  he  would  appoint  a  Commission  of 
Inquiry  and  enforce  its  decisions,  what- 
ever they  might  be.  The  response  to  this 
uncompromising  assertion  of  American  claims 
was  instantaneous,  and  a  wave  of  warlike 
enthusiasm  swept  over  the  States.  The 
British  Government,  amazed  at  the  Message, 
consented  to  an  arbitration  which  resulted 
in  establishing  the  essentials  of  the  British 
claim. 

The  world  did  not  awake  to  the  full 
significance  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine  till  it 
suddenly  discovered  that  the  United  States 
were  ready  to  go  to  war  about  the  boundary 
of  Venezuela.  When  the  danger  arose  in 
1823  of  the  Holy  Alliance  assisting  Spain  to 
recover  her  colonies  in  the  New  World, 
President  Monroe,  with  Canning  behind  him, 
declared  that  America  was  "henceforth  not 


THE  UNITED  STATES  213 

to  be  considered  as  subject  to  colonisation 
by  any  European  Power."  The  declaration 
rested  on  the  idea  of  a  natural  separation 
between  the  Old  and  the  New  World  which 
had  inspired  the  warning  against  alliances  in 
Washington's  farewell  address.  It  asserted 
the  right  of  free  peoples  to  determine  their 
own  destinies,  and  proclaimed  the  principle 
of  "America  for  the  Americans."  What 
Bismarck  described  as  an  international  im- 
pertinence has  been  the  corner-stone  of  the 
foreign  policy  of  the  United  States.  The 
Mexican  Empire  of  Louis  Napoleon  was  only 
rendered  possible  by  the  Civil  War,  and  when 
the  conflict  was  over  it  received  notice  to 
quit.  As  the  United  States  increased  in 
strength  the  scope  of  the  declaration  was 
widened.  While  Monroe  had  declared  that 
there  would  be  no  interference  with  existing 
colonies,  Grant  spoke  as  if  their  connection 
with  Europe  should  cease.  The  Olney 
dispatch  carried  the  doctrine  a  stage  forward. 
After  being  brought  within  sight  of  war  the 
relations  of  the  United  States  and  Great 
Britain  became  more  friendly.  Before  his 
famous  Message  Cleveland  had  suggested  a 
general  treaty  of  arbitration,  and  the  Vene- 
zuela quarrel  increased  his  desire  for  it.  In 
1897  the  two  Governments  signed  a  treaty; 
but  the  two-thirds  majority  in  the  Senate  was 
not  forthcoming,  partly  owing  to  its  tradi- 


214          HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

tional  disinclination  to  surrender  any  fraction 
of  its  power,  partly  from  fear  of  the  Irish 
vote.  Mr.  Chamberlain's  ill-judged  proposal 
of  an  alliance  met  with  an  even  less  friendly 
welcome. 

With  the  end  of  Cleveland's  second  term 
American  politics  entered  on  a  new  phase. 
His  party  had  broken  away  from  him,  and 
the  Presidential  election  of  1896  revealed 
the  strength  of  the  new  forces.  The  agri- 
cultural States  of  the  south  and  west  were 
still  suffering  severely,  and  clamoured  for  free 
silver.  Business  was  scarcely  less  depressed. 
Money  was  scarce,  it  was  said,  because  the 
Government  insisted  on  the  gold  standard, 
though  gold  was  too  scarce  to  be  the  sole 
medium  of  exchange.  The  conviction  be- 
came general  that  the  stagnation  could  be 
relieved  by  the  free  coinage  of  gold  and 
silver  at  the  ratio  of  16  to  1.  Many  Re- 
publicans were  converted,  but  the  party  as  a 
whole  resisted  the  infection.  The  Democratic 
Convention,  on  the  other  hand,  nominated 
Bryan,  a  young  lawyer  from  Nebraska,  on  the 
strength  of  a  brilliant  speech  voicing  the 
spirit  of  passionate  revolt  by  which  the  as- 
sembly was  moved.  His  phrase  "We  will 
not  be  crucified  on  a  cross  of  gold"  became 
the  watchword  of  the  campaign.  While  the 
Populists  and  the  Free  Silver  Republicans 
supported  Bryan,  the  Conservative  Demo- 


THE  UNITED  STATES  £15 

crats  threw  off  their  allegiance.  Though  he 
preached  his  gospel  with  extraordinary  elo- 
quence, and  multitudes  saw  in  him  a  new 
Messiah,  the  conservative  forces  in  the 
country  won.  McKinley  was  elected  by  a 
majority  of  half  a  million  on  a  poll  of  14  mil- 
lions, and  a  Republican  majority  was  returned 
in  both  Houses.  The  enormous  output  of 
gold  in  South  Africa  banished  the  fear  of  a 
deficiency  in  the  circulating  medium,  and  a 
series  of  good  years  restored  prosperity  to 
agriculture.  An  Act  was  passed  for  the  pres- 
ervation of  the  gold  standard,  and  a  large 
gold  reserve  was  established.  To  meet  the 
need  of  revenue  the  Dingley  tariff  was 
hurried  through  Congress  in  1897. 

The  new  President  was  to  be  confronted 
with  problems  which  had  played  no  part 
in  the  electoral  campaign.  The  renewal  of 
the  insurrection  in  Cuba  in  1895  and  its 
savage  repression  by  Weyler  had  deeply 
stirred  opinion,  and  in  his  annual  Message 
in  1896  Cleveland  threatened  intervention. 
American  interests  had  become  very  large, 
and  the  island  was  being  steadily  ruined. 
In  1897  McKinley  formally  requested  Spain 
to  restore  order.  When  the  Maine  was 
blown  up  the  country  clamoured  for  war. 
Though  McKinley  had  no  desire  for  a  con- 
flict, he  made  no  attempt  to  stem  the  rising 
excitement.  Congress  declared  the  Cubans 


216         HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

free  and  independent,  authorising  the  Pres- 
ident to  terminate  Spanish  Government 
in  the  island,  and  recording  their  resolution 
not  to  annex  it.  The  country  was  totally 
unprepared  for  the  struggle.  The  army  was 
only  27,000  strong,  and  the  chief  burden  fell 
on  volunteers.  The  navy,  on  the  other 
hand,  though  small,  was  thoroughly  efficient. 
One  Spanish  fleet  was  destroyed  in  Manila 
Bay  without  the  loss  of  a  single  American 
life,  and  another  in  a  dash  from  Santiago, 
in  which  only  one  American  was  killed.  At 
the  end  of  July,  Spain  sued  for  peace.  Only 
one  battle  had  been  fought  on  land. 

At  this  moment  Dewey  was  proposing  to 
attack  Manila,  and  had  arranged  with 
Aguinaldo,  who  had  recently  led  the  Fili- 
pinos in  revolt,  to  co-operate  from  the  land 
side.  The  day  after  the  armistice  was  signed 
at  Washington,  Manila  was  captured.  Spain 
vigorously  resisted  the  cession  of  the  Phil- 
ippines, which  had  not  been  conquered; 
but  the  blow  was  softened  by  the  payment 
of  4  millions.  The  Commissioners  of  the 
Powers  met  at  Paris  in  October.  The  treaty 
of  peace  gave  Cuba  to  the  Cubans,  and  Porto 
Rico  and  the  Philippines  to  the  victors. 
The  revelation  of  Spanish  weakness  had 
turned  a  war  of  deliverance  into  a  war  of 
aggrandisement.  The  territory  of  the  United 
States  was  filling  up.  New  markets  were 


THE  UNITED  STATES  217 

needed.  The  Philippines  offered  a  foothold 
in  the  East,  to  which  the  Powers  were 
turning  their  eyes.  It  seemed  as  if  the 
opportunity  for  a  larger  life  came  with  the 
need,  and  the  Republic  reached  out  its  hand 
and  seized  it. 

The  enthusiasm  of  empire  disappeared 
almost  as  rapidly  as  it  had  arisen.  Aguinaldo 
had  been  brought  from  Hong-Kong  in  an 
American  vessel  and  treated  as  an  ally,  and 
he  had  believed  that  the  Americans  were 
helping  his  fellow-countrymen  to  gain  their 
freedom.  When  they  learned  that  they  had 
only  changed  their  masters  they  set  up  a 
republic.  A  revolt  broke  out  in  1899,  which 
required  several  campaigns  and  an  army  of 
70,000  men  to  suppress.  The  ravages  of 
disease,  the  barbarity  with  which  the  Fili- 
pinos fought,  and  the  cruelties  with  which 
the  troops  retaliated  sickened  America  of 
the  struggle.  The  Democrats  declared  that 
a  breach  of  faith  had  been  committed;  but 
no  one  desired  to  see  the  islands  occupied 
by  Germany  or  Japan.  Heroic  efforts  were 
made  to  educate  the  Filipinos  and  pre- 
pare them  for  ultimate  self-government;  but 
they  felt  no  gratitude,  and  clamoured  for 
independence.  The  expense  of  the  occupa- 
tion was  enormous.  A  year  or  two  after  the 
war,  in  the  words  of  Mr.  Bryce,  "the  one 
party  no  longer  claimed  any  credit  for  the 


218          HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

conquest,  and  the  other  could  not  suggest 
how  to  get  rid  of  it."  In  regard  to  Cuba, 
the  States  have  loyally  observed  their  pledges. 
A  Cuban  Republic  was  established,  and  the 
relations  of  the  two  countries  were  settled 
by  treaty  in  1903.  Cuba  undertook  not  to 
admit  the  interference  of  any  foreign  Power, 
while  the  United  States  reserved  the  right 
to  intervene  for  the  preservation  of  inde- 
pendence and  the  maintenance  of  order. 
Intervention  became  necessary  under  the 
latter  head  in  1906,  and  the  island  was  ruled 
by  an  American  Governor  till  1909.  The 
experience  of  the  Philippines  is  the  best 
guarantee  of  the  independence  of  Cuba. 

The  Presidential  election  of  1900  found 
the  Republicans  stronger  than  in  1896.  As 
business  improved  the  silver  cry  lost  its 
potency.  Bryan  stood  on  the  same  plat- 
form as  before,  but  there  was  far  less  excite- 
ment, and  McKinley  won  by  a  larger  major- 
ity. A  year  later  he  was  assassinated,  and 
the  Vice-President  was  called  to  the  helm. 
McKinley  lacked  force  and  originality,  and 
conceived  it  to  be  his  duty  to  follow  public 
opinion.  Roosevelt,  a  born  leader  of  men, 
regarded  the  Presidency  as  a  position  inviting 
the  exercise  of  a  vigorous  initiative.  He 
was  aided  by  his  prestige.  After  an  appren- 
ticeship in  the  New  York  legislature  he  had 
learned  to  know  the  Middle  West  as  a  rancher, 


THE  UNITED  STATES  219 

and  had  displayed  capacity  as  the  head  of  the 
New  York  police.  He  had  raised  a  regiment 
of  rough-riders  during  the  campaign  in  Cuba, 
and  shared  with  the  admirals  the  honours 
of  the  conflict.  On  his  return  he  had  become 
Governor  of  New  York.  Called  unex- 
pectedly to  the  White  House  in  1901  at  the 
age  of  42,  Roosevelt  entered  on  seven  years 
of  almost  personal  rule.  In  1902  he  began 
to  insist  on  the  necessity  of  legislation  to 
control  the  trusts,  and  his  mediation  in  a 
great  strike  of  coal-miners  in  Pennsylvania 
increased  his  popularity.  Though  the  Re- 
publican bosses  were  indignant  at  his  attacks 
on  wealthy  interests  which  supported  the 
party,  his  bold  attitude  was  generally  wel- 
comed. His  marked  attentions  to  Booker 
Washington  gave  satisfaction  to  the  best 
elements  in  the  country  at  a  time  when  race 
riots  were  disgracing  the  central  as  well  as 
the  southern  States. 

The  acquisition  of  a  colonial  empire  in  the 
Atlantic  and  Pacific  rendered  the  rapid  con- 
centration of  the  fleet  essential.  The  Clayton- 
Bulwer  treaty  of  1850  provided  that  if  a 
canal  were  made  it  should  not  be  under  the 
exclusive  control  of  any  Power.  In  1881 
Secretary  Elaine  had  in  vain  suggested  to 
the  British  Government  that  the  treaty 
should  be  modified;  but  after  the  settle- 
ment of  the  Venezuelan  controversy  the 


220          HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

relations  of  the  two  countries  improved. 
Great  Britain  openly  sympathised  with  the 
States  in  the  Spanish  war,  and  it  was  widely 
believed  that  she  had  nipped  in  the  bud  a 
project  for  joint  European  intervention.  The 
seal  was  set  on  their  reconciliation  in  1901 
when  she  recognised  the  right  of  the  United 
States  to  construct  and  fortify  a  canal  under 
its  own  exclusive  jurisdiction.  The  Hay- 
Pauncefote  Treaty  was  followed  by  the  pur- 
chase of  all  rights  and  concessions  from  the 
French  Panama  Company.  Negotiations 
with  Colombia  as  to  the  status  of  the  canal 
proving  fruitless,  Panama  declared  its  inde- 
pendence in  1903,  and  was  immediately  recog- 
nised by  the  United  States.  A  strip  of  land 
across  the  peninsula  ten  miles  wide  was 
granted,  in  return  for  a  payment  of  two  mil- 
lions and  an  annual  subsidy.  Construction 
began  at  once,  and  the  canal  will  be  open  in 
1914. 

The  election  of  1904  confirmed  the  Pres- 
ident in  his  position.  The  most  striking 
achievement  of  his  second  term  was  his  media- 
tion between  Russia  and  Japan  in  1905;  but 
the  rapid  influx  of  Japanese  into  the  Pacific 
States  after  the  war  led  to  ugly  manifesta- 
tions of  feeling  and  to  the  exclusion  of  Japa- 
nese children  from  the  schools  of  California. 
State  and  federal  interests  were  in  direct  con- 
flict. The  dispatch  of  the  fleet  to  the  Pacific 


THE  UNITED  STATES  221 

appeared  to  indicate  tension;  but  the  Govern- 
ments remained  cool,  and  Japan  undertook 
to  restrict  settlement  in  America,  despite  her 
treaty  rights.  At  the  same  time  a  stricter 
attitude  was  adopted  towards  white  immi- 
grants. The  influx  of  English  and  Irish, 
Germans  and  Scandinavians  had  rapidly 
declined,  while  enormous  numbers  from  the 
south  and  east  of  Europe  now  crossed  the 
Atlantic  every  year.  The  apprehensions 
aroused  by  the  arrival  of  a  lower  type  of 
civilisation  led  Congress  in  1906  to  make  a 
knowledge  of  English  necessary  for  naturalisa- 
tion, and  in  1907  to  increase  the  restrictions 
imposed  on  the  invading  army  at  Ellis  Island. 
The  end  of  Roosevelt's  term  was  darkened 
by  widespread  distress.  The  earthquake 
which  destroyed  San  Francisco  in  1906  was 
followed  by  the  Stock  Exchange  crisis  of 
1907,  in  which  most  of  the  banks  suspended 
cash  payments  for  many  weeks.  The  Presi- 
dent's feud  with  the  trusts  and  the  bosses 
increased  in  bitterness,  and  Wall  Street  lost 
no  opportunity  of  expressing  its  dislike  of  his 
policy.  Of  a  less  controversial  character  were 
his  efforts  to  check  the  wholesale  destruction 
of  the  natural  resources  of  the  country. 

On  his  election  in  1904,  Roosevelt  had 
declared  that  he  would  not  stand  again; 
and  in  1908  his  friend  and  colleague  Taft 
was  elected  without  difficulty,  Bryan  being 


222          HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

defeated  for  the  third  time.  The  new  Presi- 
dent was  expected  to  continue  the  policy 
of  his  predecessor;  but  he  differed  in  temper 
and  method,  if  not  in  ideas.  The  business 
world  rejoiced  in  the  prospect  of  less  inter- 
ference; but  the  progressive  elements  in  the 
Republican  party  became  restive.  The  In- 
surgents were  determined  to  break  the  power 
of  the  bosses,  and  in  1909  Speaker  Cannon 
was  overthrown.  The  President  attempted 
to  prevent  a  final  split  between  the  two 
sections  of  his  party;  but  his  efforts  met 
with  very  partial  success.  The  Payne-Aldrich 
tariff  brought  no  real  reduction,  and  was 
vigorously  attacked  by  the  Insurgents.  The 
confusion  in  the  Republican  ranks  was  intensi- 
fied when  Roosevelt  returned  from  a  trium- 
phant tour  in  Europe  in  the  summer  of  1910. 
At  the  Congressional  elections  in  the  autumn 
the  Democrats  secured  a  sweeping  majority, 
carrying  States  which  had  never  voted  Demo- 
crat before.  The  main  cause  of  the  Republi- 
can rout  was  the  failure  to  reduce  the  tariff, 
which  had  raised  the  cost  of  living  and 
fostered  monopolies  and  political  corruption. 
That  the  lesson  was  not  lost  on  the  President 
was  shown  in  1911  by  the  conclusion  of  a 
far-reaching  measure  of  reciprocity  with 
Canada,  and  the  summoning  of  a  special 
session  of  Congress  for  its  ratification. 


CANADA  223 

n 

When  the  Canadian  colonies  were  federated 
in  1867  the  scattered  settlements  beyond  the 
Rocky  Mountains  were  isolated  from  the 
east  and  even  from  Manitoba.  To  make  a 
nation  was  the  task  of  Sir  John  Macdonald 
and  the  Conservative  party  which  came  into 
power  in  the  year  of  federation,  and,  with  a 
short  interval,  retained  office  till  1896.  Its 
policy  was  the  fostering  of  industries  by  Pro- 
tection, the  development  of  communications, 
and  the  strengthening  of  the  imperial  con- 
nection. The  Canadian  Pacific  Railway 
reached  its  goal  in  1886,  and  the  settlement 
of  the  west  began.  A  revolt  of  half-castes 
in  the  north-west,  led  by  Louis  Riel,  was 
suppressed  in  1885  by  the  Canadian  Militia. 
But  prosperity  and  population  increased 
slowly,  and  thousands  of  Canadians  settled 
in  the  United  States  every  year.  The  Liberal 
party  advocated  a  lower  tariff  and  closer 
commercial  relations  with  the  United  States, 
and  for  a  time  a  few  voices  supported  the 
demand  of  Gold  win  Smith  for  union.  Mac- 
donald died  in  1891,  his  party  was  weakened 
by  financial  scandals,  and  in  1896  the  Liberals, 
led  by  Laurier,  entered  on  an  uninterrupted 
term  of  office.  They  continued  the  system 
of  Protection  and  bounties,  but  in  1897  a 
step  towards  free  trade  was  taken  by  the 


224          HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

grant  of  a  preference  of  12 1  per  cent.,  subse- 
quently increased  to  33  j  per  cent.,  to  British 
goods.  This  differentiation  led  to  Germany 
excepting  Canada  from  the  most  favoured 
nation  treatment  accorded  by  her  to  the 
British  Empire.  Canada  retaliated  in  1903 
by  a  sur-tax  on  German  goods,  and  the  tariff 
war  continued  till  1910. 

With  the  opening  of  the  present  century 
her  fortunes  rapidly  improved.  The  dis- 
covery of  gold  at  Klondyke  in  1899  caused  a 
rush  to  the  west.  As  the  development  of 
the  Pacific  slope  proceeded,  Chinese  and 
Japanese  coolies  flocked  in,  and  the  Federal 
Government  was  compelled  to  check  them, — 
the  former  by  drastic  legislation,  the  latter 
by  treaty.  Western  Canada  attracted  an 
ever-increasing  army  of  American  settlers. 
It  was  discovered  that  wheat  would  grow 
farther  north  than  had  been  supposed;  and 
Canada  began  to  take  her  place  among  the 
granaries  of  the  world.  The  vast  space 
between  Manitoba  and  British  Columbia  was 
filled  in  1905  by  the  creation  of  the  new 
provinces  of  Alberta  and  Saskatchewan.  So 
great  was  the  influx  that  the  Government 
felt  strong  enough  to  raise  its  standard  for 
European  immigrants.  Amid  this  whirl  of 
change  the  province  of  Quebec  continues  its 
placid  life,  and  its  loyalty  is  expressed  in 
the  well-known  saying  that  the  last  shot  in 


CANADA  225 

defence  of  British  sovereignty  on  the  Ameri- 
can continent  will  be  fired  by  a  Frenchman. 
The  only  grievance  of  the  French  Canadian 
has  arisen  in  the  schools.  When  Manitoba 
was  made  a  province  in  1870  it  retained  de- 
nominationalism,  but  substituted  an  unsec- 
tarian  system  in  1890.  French  Catholics 
appealed  to  the  Privy  Council,  which  de- 
clared that  the  Federal  Government  could 
intervene.  In  1895  an  attempt  to  override 
the  province  failed,  and  it  was  left  to  the 
Liberals  to  remove  the  grievance  by  protect- 
ing religious  teaching  in  the  Catholic  schools. 
The  relations  of  Canada  with  her  great 
neighbour  have  been  smoothed  by  the  suc- 
cessive removal  of  differences.  In  1886  a 
dispute  arose  in  regard  to  seal  fishing  in  the 
Behring  Sea,  which  after  long  negotiations 
was  submitted  to  arbitration  in  1892.  The 
Tribunal  reported  in  1893  in  favour  of  the 
British  contention  that  it  was  an  open  sea, 
and  drew  up  a  scheme  of  joint  regulations. 
A  second  controversy  related  to  the  boundary 
of  Alaska,  the  huge  Arctic  province  sold  by 
Russia  to  the  United  States  in  1867.  The 
matter  was  rendered  important  by  the  dis- 
covery of  gold  at  Klondyke,  and  in  1903  the 
arbitrators  decided  broadly  in  favour  of  the 
American  claim.  A  third  and  even  more 
important  dispute,  relating  to  American 
fishing  rights  off  Newfoundland  and  Nova 


226          HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

Scotia,  was  referred  to  the  Hague  Tribunal 
in  1910,  and  settled  in  the  main  in  accordance 
with  British  claims.  The  Waterways  Treaty 
of  1910  established  a  permanent  Court  of 
Conciliation  for  differencesa  rising  in  bound- 
ary waters.  Finally,  in  1911,  a  far-reaching 
measure  of  reciprocity  was  framed  by  the 
two  Governments,  the  United  States  needing 
a  new  supply  of  food  and  raw  materials  and 
the  Canadian  West  demanding  cheaper  man- 
ufactured articles. 


in 

The  last  generation  has  witnessed  the 
rapid  development  of  large  portions  of  Latin 
America.  The  gigantic  federal  State  of 
Mexico,  in  which  the  native  Indian  is  much 
more  numerous  than  the  white  man,  was 
guided  since  1877  by  Porfirio  Diaz,  under 
whose  rule  British  and  American  capital 
flowed  in  and  peace  was  maintained.  But 
his  long  reign  was  frankly  despotic,  and  the 
country  was  developed  by  a  hideous  system 
of  virtual  slave  labour.  His  overthrow  and 
flight  in  1911  have  brought  new  men  to  the 
front,  and  the  future  of  Mexico  is  beyond 
calculation.  The  five  small  Central  American 
Republics  of  Guatemala,  Honduras,  Nica- 
ragua, San  Salvador,  and  Costa  Rica  have 
made  but  little  progress.  Federation,  though 


LATIN  AMERICA  227 

often  discussed,  is  still  far  off,  and  war  and 
insurrections  have  frightened  foreign  capital. 
The  opening  of  the  canal  may  lead  the  United 
States  to  insist  on  a  minimum  standard  of 
tranquillity.  The  first  step  has  been  taken 
by  the  institution  of  a  permanent  Court  of 
Justice  in  1908,  under  the  auspices  of  the 
United  States  and  Mexico,  for  the  settlement 
of  all  disputes  between  the  Central  American 
Republics.  The  little  State  of  Panama  is 
already,  for  practical  purposes,  an  American 
Protectorate. 

The  tropical  States  of  South  America — 
Venezuela,  Colombia,  Ecuador,  Peru — have 
made  scarcely  more  progress.  Their  history 
oscillates  between  dictatorship  and  revolu- 
tion, and  their  population  consists  almost 
wholly  of  natives,  negroes,  and  mestizos. 
European  settlers  and  European  capital  alike 
avoid  these  Republics,  with  their  enervating 
climate  and  their  feverish  political  life. 
Bolivia  and  Paraguay  are  almost  wholly 
inhabited  by  native  Indians.  The  Eastern 
and  Western  States,  on  the  other  hand,  have 
made  considerable  and  in  some  cases  rapid 
advance.  During  the  long  reign  of  Pedro  II 
many  reforms  were  introduced  in  Brazil,  and 
slavery  was  abolished  in  1888.  But  an 
empire  in  a  continent  of  republics  appeared 
an  anomaly,  and  in  1889  the  Emperor,  who 
had  no  son,  was  deposed  by  a  bloodless 


228          HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

military  revolution  and  shipped  off  to  Lisbon. 
Unwise  finance  has  led  to  a  series  of  crises; 
but  Rio  has  become  a  great  city,  and  the 
resources  of  the  vast  country  are  only  begin- 
ning to  be  tapped.  Far  more  striking  has 
been  the  career  of  Argentina,  the  second  in 
size  and  the  first  in  importance  of  South 
American  States.  Since  her  bankruptcy  in 
1889,  which  provoked  the  Baring  crisis,  she 
has  attracted  a  large  European  population, 
chiefly  Italian,  and  an  enormous  volume  of 
British  capital.  She  will  soon  be  the  great- 
est corn  and  meat  exporting  country  in 
the  world.  Her  comparatively  temperate 
climate,  rich  plains,  and  easy  water  com- 
munications promise  a  future  of  almost 
boundless  prosperity,  and  Buenos  Ayres, 
with  a  population  of  a  million  and  a  quarter, 
is  already  by  far  the  largest  city  in  South 
America.  Her  western  neighbour,  Chile,  a 
mere  strip  of  the  Pacific  coast  two  thousand 
miles  long,  has  proved  her  enterprise,  despite 
grave  internal  troubles.  The  Presidency  of 
Balmaceda,  which  began  in  1886,  witnessed 
a  sincere  attempt  towards  reform;  but  Con- 
gress, which  was  less  democratic,  thwarted 
his  efforts,  and  in  1891  civil  war  broke  out. 
The  President  was  defeated  and  committed 
suicide.  War  with  Argentina  on  boundary 
questions  was  avoided  by  submitting  the 
dispute  to  King  Edward  VII  for  arbitration. 


LATIN  AMERICA  229 

The  settlement  of  the  gravest  frontier 
disputes,  the  growing  preference  for  arbitra- 
tion, and  the  increase  of  European  settlers 
and  capital  suggest  a  future  of  peaceful 
development  for  the  largest  part  of  the 
southern  continent.  Though  the  human 
material  is  not  of  the  best,  the  habits  of 
civilised  States  are  gradually  being  acquired. 
Federation  is  out  of  the  question;  but 
combinations  of  some  of  the  smaller  re- 
publics are  not  impossible.  While  saved  from 
the  fate  of  Africa  by  the  Monroe  Doctrine, 
Latin  America  is  at  the  mercy  of  her  pro- 
tector. The  joint  demonstration  of  Great 
Britain,  Germany,  and  Italy  against  Presi- 
dent Castro  in  1903  was  watched  with  intense 
suspicion  by  the  United  States,  which  pro- 
claimed that  even  temporary  occupation  of 
territory  could  not  be  permitted.  The 
attack  on  Venezuela  prompted  the  Foreign 
Minister  of  Argentina  to  demand  the  pro- 
hibition of  armed  intervention  for  the  col- 
lection of  debts.  The  Drago  Doctrine  was 
widely  discussed,  and  at  the  second  Hague 
Conference  it  was  agreed  that  force  should 
not  be  employed  till  the  claims  had  been 
approved  by  arbitration  and  payment  refused 
by  the  debtor  State. 

The  Pan-American  Congresses  at  Washing- 
ton (1889),  Mexico  City  (1901),  and  Rio 
(1906),  and  the  establishment  of  the  Bureau 


230          HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

of  American  Republics  at  Washington,  point 
to  still  closer  relations  between  North  and 
South.  But  though  Latin  America  is  grate- 
ful to  her  mighty  neighbour  for  protection 
in  time  of  need,  she  trembles  lest  that  power 
should  be  abused.  The  high-handed  treat- 
ment of  Colombia  sent  a  disagreeable  thrill 
through  the  southern  hemisphere.  The 
Monroe  Doctrine  is  the  most  elastic  as  well 
as  the  most  audacious  of  political  principles, 
and  he  would  be  a  bold  man  who  dared  to 
assert  that  its  development  is  at  an  end. 


CHAPTER  X 

WORLD   PROBLEMS 

THE  most  striking  outward  feature  of  the 
history  of  the  last  generation  is  the  shrink- 
age of  the  world.  No  country,  no  continent 
any  longer  lives  an  independent  life.  The 
expansion  of  the  dominant  races  has  led  to 
a  fuller  occupation  of  the  surface  of  the 
earth.  The  curtains  which  hide  its  secrets 
are  being  raised  one  by  one.  Lhassa  was 
invaded  in  1904,  the  North  Pole  was  reached 
by  Peary  in  1909,  the  capitulation  of  the 
South  Pole  is  within  sight.  Man  at  last 
knows  his  home.  As  the  world  contracts 
the  human  race  grows  more  conscious  of 
its  unity.  Ideas,  ideals,  and  experiments 
make  the  tour  of  the  globe.  Civilisation 
has  become  international. 

Of  the  world-movements  of  the  last  genera- 
tion the  advance  of  democracy,  in  its  dual 
aspect  of  liberty  and  equality,  is  by  far  the 
most  important.  The  Parliaments  of  Japan, 
Persia,  and  Turkey,  the  demand  for  self- 

231 


£32          HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

government  in  China,  India,  Egypt,  and 
the  Philippines,  reveal  the  attraction  of 
democratic  ideas.  The  transfer  of  power 
from  the  few  to  the  many  has  gone  steadily 
forward.  The  aggregation  of  great  masses 
in  cities  has  weakened  feudal  and  conser- 
vative influences  and  enabled  the  fourth 
estate  to  organise  its  forces.  The  right 
of  the  majority  to  give  effect  to  its  settled 
wishes  is  now  recognised,  at  least  in  theory, 
in  most  civilised  States,  and  machinery  is 
invented  to  discover  what  the  will  of  the 
people  really  is.  The  Referendum,  which 
has  long  worked  to  the  general  satisfaction 
in  Switzerland,  has  been  adopted  in  Aus- 
tralia and  in  some  of  the  American  States; 
while  in  the  form  of  Local  Option  it 
has  spread  throughout  the  English-speaking 
world.  Proportional  representation  is  at 
work  in  Belgium,  Denmark,  Sweden,  Fin- 
land, Wlirttemberg,  some  of  the  Swiss 
cantons,  South  Africa,  and  Japan,  and  is 
steadily  gaining  ground.  In  Belgium  and 
parts  of  Switzerland  the  citizen  is  fined  if 
he  does  not  go  to  the  poll,  and  a  similar 
provision  has  been  proposed  in  Italy  and 
Argentina. 

More  important  than  these  mechanical 
expedients  for  arriving  at  the  will  of  the 
people  has  been  the  concession  of  the  fran- 
chise to  women  in  Australia  and  New  Zea- 


WORLD  PROBLEMS  233 

land,  Norway  and  Finland,  the  Isle  of  Man, 
and  five  of  the  United  States  (Wyoming, 
Colorado,  Idaho,  Utah,  and  Washington). 
Nineteen  women  entered  the  Finnish  Diet  on 
the  grant  of  universal  suffrage,  and  one  took 
her  seat  at  Christiania  in  1911.  The  demand 
for  a  vote  as  the  symbol  of  citizenship  reached 
a  new  stage  in  Great  Britain  in  1905,  when 
the  Women's  Social  and  Political  Union, 
founded  by  Mrs.  Pankhurst  in  1903,  adopted 
militant  methods;  but  the  organised  attack 
on  the  sex  barrier  provoked  an  organised 
defence,  while  the  great  mass  of  women 
remain  indifferent  spectators  of  the  con- 
flict which  is  waged  in  their  name.  Several 
Bills  have  received  a  second  reading  in  the 
House  of  Commons,  but  the  historic  parties 
are  too  deeply  divided  in  opinion  to  take 
up  the  question  officially.  On  the  other 
hand,  women  have  voted  in  County  Council 
elections  from  the  start,  and  in  1907  became 
eligible  for  membership.  The  movement 
towards  sex  equality  makes  rapid  strides. 
Women  doctors  are  found  everywhere,  women 
lawyers  practise  at  the  French  Bar,  women 
ministers  of  religion  are  common  in  the 
United  States  and  not  unknown  in  England. 
Nearly  every  University  has  opened  its 
doors  to  female  students,  though  Oxford 
and  Cambridge  still  refuse  them  the  degrees 
to  which  they  are  entitled.  An  International 


234          HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

Council  of  Women  was  formed  in  1888  under 
the  presidency  of  Lady  Aberdeen,  and  the 
first  Congress  met  in  London  in  1839.  In 
every  department  of  life  and  work  women 
play  a  part  of  increasing  importance.  No 
voice  so  powerful  as  that  of  Mill  is  raised 
on  their  behalf;  but  their  ideals  have  been 
forcibly  expressed  by  such  writers  as  Ellen 
Key,  Charlotte  Gilman,  and  Olive  Schreiner, 
while  the  demand  for  legal  equality  has  been 
set  forth  in  Lady  Maclaren's  Woman's  Char- 
ier. The  concession  of  equal  civil  and  politi- 
cal rights  is  consistently  supported  by  the 
Labour  parties  of  every  country. 

The  most  decisive  sign  of  the  advance  of 
democracy  is  the  rise  of  organised  Labour 
parties.  The  attainment  of  a  democratic 
franchise  has  naturally  been  followed  by  a 
demand  for  greater  equality  in  the  economic 
sphere.  In  no  great  country  has  Socialism 
played  such  a  conspicuous  part  as  in  Germ  any, 
where  it  has  won  the  allegiance  of  the  vast 
majority  of  manual  workers  in  the  towns.  In 
Prussia  it  has  at  last  forced  its  way  into  the 
Landtag.  In  Saxony  its  power  became  so 
great  that  the  menaced  interests  combined 
to  withdraw  universal  suffrage  in  1897.  In 
the  more  liberal  South  German  States  the 
Socialists  co-operate  with  the  advanced 
sections  of  the  bourgeoisie.  In  Great  Britain 
a  Labour  party,  largely  though  not  wholly 


WORLD  PROBLEMS  235 

socialist,  emerged  from  the  election  of  1906. 
In  France  and  Italy  parliamentary  Socialism 
became  a  force  in  the  nineties.  In  Austria  it 
arrived  with  universal  suffrage  in  1907.  Its 
strength  in  the  first  and  second  Dumas  was 
one  of  the  excuses  for  narrowing  the  franchise 
of  the  third.  In  1885  a  Labour  party  was 
formed  in  Belgium,  where  the  Walloon 
miners  and  factory-workers  of  the  South 
confront  the  Catholic  Flemings  of  the  North, . 
and  where  it  is  most  closely  associated  with 
the  Co-operative  movement.  In  Holland  and 
the  Scandinavian  States  it  has  won  a  firm 
hold  in  the  Chambers,  and  in  the  Finnish  Diet 
e'ected  in  1911  nearly  half  the  members  were 
Socialists.  In  Spain  it  is  increasing  its  hold 
in  the  seaboard  towns.  Its  leading  person- 
alities, Bebel  and  Bernstein  in  Germany, 
Adler  in  Austria,  Turati  and  Ferri  in  Italy, 
Iglesias  in  Spain,  Jaures  in  France,  Vander- 
velde  in  Belgium,  Troelstra  in  Holland,  Keir 
Hardie,  Ramsay  Macdonald,  and  Philip 
Snowden  in  England,  are  men  of  high  char- 
acter and  unquestionable  ability,  influential 
in  their  respective  Parliaments  and  speaking 
for  a  great  volume  of  working-class  opinion 
at  the  International  Socialist  Congresses 
held  at  intervals  since  1889. 

The  once  imposing  Marxian  structure, 
meanwhile,  is  falling  into  ruins,  and  among  its 
critics  are  many  Socialists.  Its  theory  of 


288          HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

value  is  untenable,  its  economic  forecast  has 
been  falsified,  its  distrust  of  legislation  as  a 
means  of  social  betterment  is  out  of  date. 
Younger  men  are  turning  to  the  "Revision- 
ism" expounded  in  the  writings  of  Bern- 
stein, while  the  assumption  of  ministerial 
office  by  French  Socialists  marks  a  further 
breach  with  the  exclusive  traditions  of  the 
past.  In  Great  Britain  Marxism  has  declined 
in  influence  since  the  death  of  William  Morris, 
and  the  empirical  collectivism  of  the  Fabian 
Society  has  made  steady  progress  in  the  fields 
both  of  theory  and  practice.  The  only 
exception  to  the  movement  towards  evolu- 
tionary doctrine  and  parliamentary  action  is 
to  be  found  in  Syndicalism,  which  has  won  a 
large  body  of  support  in  France  and  Italy 
since  Sorel  published  his  work,  The  Socialist 
Future  of  Syndicates,  in  1897.  The  Syndi- 
calist works  through  federated  trade  unions 
instead  of  through  political  representation. 
Unions,  he  declares,  must  be  purely  fighting 
organisations,  their  chief  weapon  the  strike, 
their  object  the  forcible  transformation  of 
society.  While  Marx  taught  that  the  capi- 
talist movement  tended  automatically  to  its 
own  destruction,  Sorel  and  his  followers 
affirm  that  the  change  can  only  be  ac- 
complished by  a  determined  effort  of  the 
proletariat. 
Travelling  beyond  the  boundaries  of  Europe, 


WORLD  PROBLEMS  237 

Socialism  is  found  to  a  less  extent  in  the 
United  States,  where  private  initiative  is 
more  highly  prized  than  in  any  other  part  of 
the  world,  and  where  no  Socialist  entered 
Congress  till  1911.  In  190  la  Socialist  party 
was  organised  in  Japan,  where  the  evils  of 
the  competitive  system  are  growing  with  the 
development  of  industry.  In  New  Zealand  a 
period  of  advanced  legislation,  equally  ac- 
ceptable to  the  Socialist  and  the  Radical, 
was  inaugurated  by  Seddon.  But  it  is  in 
Australia  that  the  Labour  party  has  gained 
its  greatest  political  successes.  In  1904  a 
Labour  Ministry  held  office  for  a  few  months 
without  an  independent  majority;  but  in 
1910  the  Commonwealth  elections  gave 
it  a  substantial  majority  in  both  Houses 
and  enabled  the  Fisher  Ministry  to  levy 
a  progressive  land  tax  on  undeveloped 
estates. 

In  addition  to  the  efforts  of  the  manual 
workers  to  improve  their  conditions  of  life 
by  industrial  association,  co-operative  dis- 
tribution, and  political  action,  the  members 
of  other  classes  have  busied  themselves 
increasingly  with  the  social  problem.  Legis- 
lation aiming  at  a  minimum  standard  of 
education,  health,  and  leisure  is  gradually 
filling  the  statute-books  of  civilised  countries, 
and  laggards  are  brought  into  line  by  the 
international  meetings  and  agreements  which 


238          HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

began  with  the  Berlin  Labour  Conference  of 
1890.  Social  experiments  are  copied  as 
rapidly  as  scientific  inventions.  The  Ghent 
system  of  insurance  against  unemployment, 
inaugurated  in  1901,  has  spread  over  Central 
and  Northern  Europe.  The  Wages  Boards  set 
up  in  Victoria  in  1896  have  been  adopted  by 
the  mother  country.  Germany  has  led  the 
way  with  labour  exchanges,  labour  colonies, 
provision  against  sickness  and  accident,  old 
age  and  invalidity.  Great  Britain  is  about  to 
embark  on  a  pioneer  scheme  of  State-aided 
insurance  against  unemployment.  Charles 
Booth  and  Seebohm  Rowntree  have  described 
the  life  and  labour  of  the  people,  and  the 
numberless  University  Settlements,  springing 
from  the  seed  sown  by  Arnold  Toynbee, 
testify  to  a  more  generous  recognition  of 
social  responsibility. 

In  an  age  of  science  and  democracy  the 
power  of  tradition  is  everywhere  weakening. 
The  significant  endeavour  of  Modernism  to 
restate  the  Catholic  position  has  aroused 
world- wide  sympathy  and  interest;  but  Pius 
X,  departing  from  the  cautious  tolerance 
of  his  predecessor,  has  offered  it  uncom- 
promising opposition.  Loisy  and  Tyrrell 
felt  the  heavy  hand  of  the  Pope,  and  even 
Fogazzaro,  the  last  representative  of  the 
liberal  Catholicism  of  Rosmini,  was  frowned 
on  by  the  Vatican.  The  Syllabus  "Lamen- 


WORLD  PROBLEMS  239 

tabili"  and  the  Encyclical  "Pascendi"  have 
slain  Modernism  as  a  school  of  Catholic 
thought.  The  watchword  of  Pius  X  is  con- 
centration. He  prefers  an  obedient  flock  to 
a  larger  number  of  nominal  adherents.  Thus 
he  imposes  on  teachers  an  oath  against  Mod- 
ernism, denounces  the  Reformation  in  the 
Borromeo  Encyclical,  and  penalises  mixed 
marriages  by  the  Nestemere  decree.  The  at- 
tempts of  Catholics  to  prove  the  compatibility 
of  their  faith  with  democratic  principles  has 
been  rebuked.  The  promising  Sillonist  move- 
ment of  Marc  Sangnier  has  been  suppressed 
in  France,  and  the  excommunication  of  Rom- 
olo  Murri  has  destroyed  Christian  Democ- 
racy in  Italy.  Yet  this  rigid  conservatism 
attracts  the  type  of  mind  which  yearns  for 
authority,  and  there  has  been  a  steady  flow 
of  converts  from  the  Protestant  Churches 
and  from  the  ranks  of  disillusioned  sceptics. 
While  the  older  Churches  have  lost  much  of 
their  ground,  the  tendency  of  recent  thought 
is  rather  constructive  than  destructive.  The 
teachings  of  Mrs.  Eddy  have  spread  rapidly 
throughout  the  United  States  and  found  a 
fainter  welcome  in  the  Old  World.  The 
emphasis  laid  by  Christian  Science  on  the 
power  of  the  will  reappears  in  the  newer 
psychology  of  James  and  Bergson.  Philos- 
ophy has  passed  out  of  her  positivist 
mood,  and  Science  has  grown  more  willing 


240          HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

to    accept    idealist    interpretations    of    the 
universe. 

Though  the  theological  temperature  is 
falling,  the  age-long  conflict  between  Chris- 
tian and  Jew  has  been  renewed  with  increased 
bitterness.  But  the  Anti-Semitism  of  the 
last  two  decades  of  the  nineteenth  century 
was  rather  the  offspring  of  economic  than 
of  racial  or  religious  causes.  The  crusade 
began  in  Prussia  in  1878  with  the  denuncia- 
tions of  Stocker,  a  Court  chaplain,  who 
traced  the  growing  materialism  of  German 
society  to  Jewish  financiers  and  journalists. 
He  was  vigorously  supported  by  the  historian 
Treitschke,  and  despite  the  opposition  of 
Mommsen,  Virchow,  and  other  leaders  of 
thought,  the  virus  spread  over  Germany. 
When  dismissed  by  William  II  he  appeared 
in  the  Reichstag  as  the  leader  of  a  party  of 
Anti-Semites.  By  this  time  Austria  had 
outstripped  her  ally.  The  party  of  Christian 
Socialism,  supported  by  the  Catholic  clergy, 
obtained  the  enthusiastic  support  of  the 
small  traders  of  the  towns,  while  its  leader, 
Lueger,  the  burgomaster  of  Vienna,  held  the 
capital  in  the  hollow  of  his  hand  till  his 
death  in  1910.  In  France  the  poisoned  pen 
of  Drumont  prepared  the  way  for  the  out- 
burst of  Anti-Semitism  to  which  Dreyfus 
owed  his  sufferings.  But  it  was  in  Eastern 
Europe,  the  abode  of  two-thirds  of  the  ten 


WORLD  PROBLEMS  241 

million  Jews  scattered  over  the  world,  that 
the  storm  raged  most  fiercely.  In  Russia 
violent  mob  attacks  began  in  1881  and  were 
renewed  in  1891.  A  decade  later  a  third 
cycle  of  persecution  opened  with  the  hideous 
massacre  at  Kishineff,  the  capital  of  Bess- 
arabia. Scarcely  less  terrible  have  been  the 
sufferings  of  Jews  in  Roumania.  Among  the 
conditions  on  which  the  new  State  was 
recognised  in  1878  was  the  removal  of  relig- 
ious disabilities;  but  the  Government  made 
no  attempt  to  fulfil  its  pledges.  Restrictions 
were  multiplied  to  such  an  extent  that  life 
became  almost  intolerable.  A  great  exodus 
began  in  1900.  Many  fled  to  America,  and 
in  1902  Secretary  Hay  invited  the  signatories 
of  the  Treaty  of  Berlin  to  common  action. 
As  Great  Britain  alone  responded,  collective 
pressure  was  impossible,  and  the  only  result 
of  the  American  protest  was  that  the  Rou- 
manian Government  prohibited  emigration. 
The  answer  to  Anti-Semitism  was  Zionism. 
In  1896  Herzl,  a  Vienna  journalist,  outlined 
a  plan  of  an  autonomous  republic  under  the 
Sultan.  The  scheme  was  warmly  embraced 
by  Max  Nordau,  Zangwill,  and  other  influen- 
tial leaders,  and  the  first  Zionist  Congress  was 
held  at  Basel  in  1897;  but  the  difficulties  of 
the  project  soon  became  apparent.  Abdul 
Hamid  was  sympathetic,  but  failed  to  make 
a  satisfactory  offer.  Russia  was  hostile  and 


242          HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

Germany  unfriendly.  The  prosperous  Jews 
of  Western  Europe  had  no  wish  to  exchange 
the  comforts  of  civilisation  for  the  barren 
soil  of  Palestine.  Despite  these  discourage- 
ments Zionists  refused  to  abandon  hope,  and 
an  offer  by  the  British  Government  of  an 
alternative  refuge  in  East  Africa  in  1903  was 
refused  after  heated  discussions.  But  the 
death  of  Herzl  in  1904  dealt  a  mortal  blow 
at  the  movement,  and  the  recent  project  of 
a  settlement  in  Mesopotamia  has  attracted 
little  enthusiasm. 

The  filling  up  of  the  world  has  brought 
the  white  and  the  coloured  races  once  more 
into  close  contact.  Though  slavery  and 
the  slave-trade  had  been  abolished  by  civilised 
States  before  the  scramble  for  Africa  began 
in  1884,  old  evils  have  reappeared  under  new 
names.  Since  the  effective  exploitation  of 
tropical  and  subtropical  territories  is  beyond 
the  capacity  of  white  men,  indentured  labour 
has  been  invented,  and  the  "White  Man's 
Burden"  is  too  often  the  dark  man's  doom. 
The  murders  and  mutilations  of  the  Congo 
Free  State,  the  holocausts  of  Angola  servicaes, 
the  cruelties  of  the  Chartered  Company  in 
Matabeleland  and  of  Dr.  Peters  in  German 
East  Africa,  the  wholesale  destruction  of 
human  life  on  the  hemp  plantations  of 
Yucatan,  the  massacre  of  Blagovestchenk, 
the  march  of  the  European  armies  to  Pekin, 


WORLD  PROBLEMS  243 

are  part  of  the  price  that  humanity  has  had 
to  pay  for  the  new  Imperialism.  Of  another 
character  are  the  indignities  long  inflicted  on 
educated  Indians  in  the  Transvaal  under 
Dutch  and  British  rule,  the  perpetuation  of  a 
colour  bar  in  the  new  constitution  of  South 
Africa,  and  the  undiminished  insolence  of  the 
American  towards  the  negro. 

Yet  some  progress  in  the  solution  of  the 
greatest  and  most  difficult  of  world  problems 
has  been  made.  The  sense  of  responsibility 
is  growing.  Such  bodies  as  the  African 
Society,  founded  in  memory  of  Mary  Kings- 
ley,  and  the  South  African  Native  Races 
Committee  reveal  a  new  and  sympathetic 
attitude  towards  native  questions.  The 
noble  work  of  missionaries  is  bearing  fruit. 
The  British  Anti-Slavery  and  Aborigines 
Protection  Society  continues  its  beneficent 
activity.  Thanks  to  the  crusade  of  the 
saintly  Lavigerie  and  the  Brussels  Conference 
of  1890  to  which  it  led,  the  African  slave- 
trade  is  more  closely  watched,  and  the  sale 
of  black  ivory  is  being  gradually  limited. 
Steps  are  being  taken  to  save  natives  from 
the  ravages  of  alcohol.  An  International 
Conference  met  at  Shanghai  in  1909  to 
concert  measures  against  the  use  of  opium. 
No  one  now  doubts  that  not  only  the  yellow 
but  the  brown  and  the  black  races  are  capable 
of  progress.  While  Hayti  and  Liberia  show 


244          HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

how  little  advance  they  can  make  without 
help,  Jamaica,  Basutoland,  and  the  Malay 
States  reveal  a  marked  capacity  for  develop- 
ment under  sympathetic  guidance.  The 
American  negro  learns  at  Tuskegee  to  be- 
come a  useful  member  of  a  civilised  State, 
and  Booker  Washington  and  Professor 
Dubois  are  among  the  intellectual  assets  of 
their  country.  Pure  blooded  members  of 
the  dark  races,  such  as  Rizal,  the  Filipino 
scholar,  novelist,  and  patriot,  and  Tengo 
Jebavu,  the  South  African  journalist,  show 
the  possibilities  of  advance.  The  desire 
to  preserve  racial  purity  is  common  to  the 
higher  nations.  Yet  the  wisdom  of  friendly 
co-operation  between  the  higher  and  the 
lower  races  becomes  ever  more  apparent. 
If  the  white  man  boasts  of  his  superior  in- 
telligence, the  coloured  man  possesses  a 
scarcely  less  formidable  instrument  in  his 
overwhelming  numbers. 

Though  the  civilised  world  has  become 
increasingly  conscious  of  its  unity,  vast 
armaments  are  still  regarded  as  the  only 
guarantee  of  national  security.  The  acquisi- 
tion of  oversea  dominions  has  tempted  the 
Powers  to  supplement  their  rivalry  on  land 
by  rivalry  at  sea.  The  number  of  men  under 
arms  in  Europe  has  risen  to  5  millions,  while 
the  war  budget  exceeds  300  millions.  Japan 
and  the  United  States  have  joined  in  the  race, 


WORLD  PROBLEMS  £45 

and  the  South  American  Republics  have 
squandered  millions  on  battleships  of  the 
largest  size.  Schemes  for  a  reduction  of 
armaments  flitted  through  the  restless  brain 
of  Louis  Napoleon,  and  occupied  the  atten- 
tion of  Salisbury  and  other  statesmen.  As 
debt  and  taxation  increased  without  any  cor- 
responding advance  in  relative  strength,  the 
cry  for  relief  grew  more  insistent,  and  it  was 
with  a  shock  of  joyful  surprise  that  the  world 
learned  in  1898  that  the  most  autocratic 
monarch  in  Europe  had  invited  the  Powers 
to  discuss  the  feasibility  of  a  halt.  In  im- 
pressive language  the  Rescript  lamented  the 
growing  burden  on  the  peoples  and  the  diver- 
sion of  national  effort  from  productive  pur- 
suits. Cynics  dismissed  the  proposal  as  an 
adroit  move  on  the  part  of  a  State  whose 
finances  were  in  disorder;  but  there  is  no 
reason  to  suspect  the  sincerity  of  the  Tsar. 
When  the  delegates  met  at  the  Hague  in  1899 
it  became  clear  that  there  was  no  chance  of 
realising  the  purpose  for  which  the  Confer- 
ence had  met.  The  spokesman  of  Germany 
declared  in  emphatic  words  that  his  country 
found  her  armaments  no  crushing  burden, 
and  that  she  could  entertain  no  proposal  for 
their  limitation. 

When  the  ideal  was  thus  rudely  shattered, 
the  Conference  fell  back  on  arbitration. 
There  had  been  over  one  hundred  arbitra- 


246          HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

tions  between  States  during  the  nineteenth 
century.  The  Alabama  award  did  little  to 
assist  the  cause  of  arbitration,  owing  to  the 
excessive  damages  that  Great  Britain  was 
called  on  to  pay.  Twenty  years  later  the 
Behring  Sea  dispute  was  settled  by  arbitra- 
tors, two  nominated  by  Great  Britain  and 
the  United  States,  and  three  by  the  rulers 
of  countries  not  concerned  in  the  dispute. 
Other  differences  have  been  terminated  by 
an  independent  arbitrator.  But  it  was  ob- 
vious that  a  permanent  Court  would  be 
found  highly  convenient,  and  it  is  the  glory 
of  the  First  Hague  Conference,  at  the  sug- 
gestion of  Lord  Pauncefote,  to  have  created 
it.  Of  the  controversies  referred  to  the 
Hague  Tribunal  by  far  the  most  important 
related  to  the  Newfoundland  Fisheries.  Still 
more  recently,  the  questions  involved  in  the 
escape  and  capture  of  Savarkar  at  Marseilles 
were  referred  to  the  Court,  and  settled  in 
favour  of  the  British  claim.  In  addition  to 
the  growing  willingness  of  States  to  refer 
their  disputes  to  arbitration,  the  practice  of 
concluding  general  treaties  is  becoming  com- 
mon. Many  contracts  have  been  signed 
during  the  last  generation  pledging  the 
s'gnatories  to  submit  all  questions  except 
those  touching  vital  interests  or  national 
honour.  The  next  step,  which  was  first 
taken  by  Chile  and  Argentina,  was  to  under- 


WORLD  PROBLEMS  247 

take  to  refer  all  disputes  without  exception. 
The  courageous  proposal  of  President  Taft 
in  1910  to  conclude  an  unconditional  treaty 
with  "some  Great  Power"  and  the  warm 
welcome  extended  to  it  by  Sir  Edward  Grey 
in  March  1911,  bring  within  sight  a  new 
hope  for  the  world. 

The  Inter-Parliamentary  Union,  founded  in 
1888,  meets  every  year.  The  Declaration  of 
London  will  supply  the  International  Prize 
Court,  established  at  the  Second  Hague  Con- 
ference, with  a  recognised  code.  The  exemp- 
tion of  private  property  from  capture  at  sea 
must  be  secured.  But  the  best  hope  of 
peace  lies  in  the  gradual  triumph  of  reason 
over  the  suspicions,  ignorance,  and  greed  from 
which  wars  arise.  The  vested  interests  which 
thrive  on  armaments,  the  Yellow  Press  which 
lives  by  sensation,  the  nervous  patriot  who 
dreams  of  invasion,  the  soldier  who  glorifies 
the  bracing  influence  of  war,  are  formidable 
but  not  insuperable  obstacles  to  the  reign 
of  law.  It  is  the  merit  of  Randal  Cremer 
and  Hodgson  Pratt,  of  Baroness  Siittner  and 
Frederic  Passy,  of  Edwin  Mead  and  Andrew 
Carnegie,  to  have  realised  that  peace  needs 
its  propaganda  like  any  other  good  cause. 
It  is  the  achievement  of  Bloch  and  Norman 
Angell  to  have  shown  that  even  a  successful 
conflict  between  modern  States  can  bring  no 
material  gain.  We  can  now  look  forward 


248          HISTORY  OF  OUR  TIME 

with  something  like  confidence  to  the  time 
when  war  between  civilised  nations  will  be 
considered  as  antiquated  as  the  duel,  and 
when  the  peacemakers  shall  be  called  the 
children  of  God. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 

GENERAL.  —  The  Cambridge  Modern  History,  vol.  xii.; 
Rose,  The  Development  of  the  European  Nations,  1870- 
1900;  Hazen,  Europe  Since  1815;  The  Annual  Register; 
The  Statesman's  Year-Book. 

CHAPTER  I.  —  NARRATIVES.  —  Bright,  History  of 
England,  1880-1901;  M'Carthy,  History  of  Our  Own  Times, 
1880-1901  (4  vols.);  Herbert  Paul,  History  of  Modern 
England,  vol.  v.,  1885-1895.  BIOGRAPHIES.  —  Morley, 
Gladstone;  Winston  Churchill,  Randolph  Churchill;  Elliot, 
Goschen.  IRELAND.  —  Ber*y  O'Brien,  Life  of  Parnell;  W. 
O'Brien,  An  Olive  Branch  in  Ireland;  Paul-Dubois,  Con- 
temporary Ireland.  THE  EMPIRE.  —  Hawke,  The  British 
Empire;  Lucas,  Historical  Geography  of  the  British  Colonies; 
Jebb,  Studies  in  Colonial  Nationalism,  and  The  Colonial 
Conference;  Hobson,  Imperialism. 

CHAPTER  II.  —  Bodley,  France,  and  The  Church  in 
France;  Coubertin,  The  Evolution  of  the  Third  Republic; 
Lawton,  The  Third  French  Republic;  Bracq,  France  under 
the  Republic;  Conybeare,  The  Dreyfus  Case. 

CHAPTER  III.  —  ITALY.  —  King  and  Okey,  Italy  To- 
day, ed.  of  1909;  Stfflman,  The  Union  of  Italy,  1815-1895, 
and  Life  of  Crispi;  Lowell,  Governments  and  Parties  in  Con- 
tinental Europe.  SPAIN  AND  PORTUGAL.  —  Whyte,  A 
Century  of  Spain  and  Portugal;  Martin  Hume,  Modern 
Spain;  Morse  Stephens,  Portugal  (with  additional  chapter 
by  M.  Hume).  Archer,  The  Life  of  Ferrer,  and  Shaw, 
Spain  from  Within,  discuss  the  influence  of  the  Church. 
Wilson,  The  Downfall  of  Spain,  describes  the  American 
War. 

•R 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 

CHAPTER"  IV.  —  GERMANY.  —  Dawson,  The  Evolution 
of  Modern  Germany.  Lowell,  Governments  and  Parties, 
and  B.  Howard,  The  German  Empire,  describe  the  Con- 
stitution at  work.  Headlam,  Bismarck,  and  Lowe,  WHliam 
II,  are  useful  for  the  earlier  years.  The  German  Emperor's 
Speeches.  AUSTRIA-HUNGARY.  —  Drage,  Austria-Hungary; 
Lowell,  Governments  and  Parties;  Seton  Watson,  Racial 
Problems  in  Hungary.  Hungary  To-day,  ed.  Alden,  gives 
the  official  Magyar  version. 

CHAPTER  V.  —  RUSSIA.  —  Lowe,  Alexander  III;, 
Pares,  Russia  and  Reform;  Wallace,  Russia,  ed.  of  1905; 
Milypukov,  Russia  and  its  Crisis;  Nevinson,  The  Dawn  in 
Russia;  Kropotkin,  The  Terror  in  Russia;  Renwick,  Fin- 
land To-day.  THE  NEAR  EAST.  —  Sir  C.  Eliot,  Turkey  in 
Europe;  The  Balkan  Question,  ed.  Villari,  and  Brailsford, 
Macedonia,  describe  the  rule  of  Abdul  Hamid.  Buxton, 
Turkey  in  Revolution,  and  Abbott,  Turkey  in  Transition, 
discuss  the  Young  Turk  re*gime.  For  Armenia,  Bryce, 
Trans-Caucasia  and  Ararat,  ed.  1896.  Miller,  The  Balkans, 
and  Greek  Life  in  Town  and  Country;  Beaman,  Stambuloff. 

CHAPTER  VI.  —  Bismarck's  Reflections;  Rose,  The 
Development  of  the  European  Nations;  Dilke,  The  Present 
Position  of  European  Politics  (1887);  Benedetti,  Essays 
in  Diplomacy.  For  fuller  study,  Tardieu,  La  France  et 
ses  Alliances;  and  LL&nonon,  L'Europe  et  la  Politique 
Britannigue. 

CHAPTER  VII.  —  GENERAL.  —  Townshend,  Asia  and 
Europe;  Lyall,  Asiatic  Studies.  THE  FAR  EAST.  —  Uye- 
hara,  The  Political  Development  of  Japan;  Fifty  Years  of 
New  Japan,  ed.  Okuma;  Lafcadio  Hearn,  Japan,  an  At- 
tempt at  Interpretation;  Bland  and  Backhouse,  China  under 
the  Empress  Dowager;  W.  Cecil,  Changing  China.  INDIA.  — 
The  Indian  Empire,  4  vols.  (Imperial  Gazetteer  of  India); 
Lord  Curzon  in  India.  Morley,  Indian  Speeches;  Cotton. 
New  India;  Nevinson,  The  New  Spirit  in  India,  ana 
Chirol,  Indian  Unrest,  describe  the  new  nationalism. 
Younghusband,  India  and  Tibet,  and  Hamilton,  Afghan- 
istan, discuss  frontier  problems.  PERSIA.  —  Browne,  The 
Persian  Revolution;  Chorol,  The  Middle  Eastern  Question. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  258 

CHAPTER  VIII.  —  GENERAL.  —  Johnston,  The  Open- 
ing-up  of  Africa.  EGYPT.  —  Lord  Cromer,  Modern  Egypt; 
Colvin,  The  Making^  of  Modern  Egypt;  Rothstein,  Egypt's 
Ruin  (anti-occupation).  CENTRAL  AFRICA.  —  Mockler- 
Ferryman,  British  Nigeria;  Stanley,  Autobiography; 
Morel,  Red  Rubber;  Hamilton,  Somaliland;  Eliot,  The 
East  African  Protectorate;  Johnston,  Uganda.  SOUTH 
AFRICA.  —  Theal,  Story  of  South  Africa;  Michell,  Life  of 
Rhodes;  Hobson,  The  War  in  South  Africa;  Cook,  The 
Rights  and  Wrongs  of  the  Transvaal  War;  The  Times  History 
of  the  War  in  South  Africa;  De  Wet,  Three  Years'  War; 
Brand,  The  Union  of  South  Africa. 

CHAPTER  IX. —  THE  UNITED  STATES.  — The  Cam- 
bridge Modern  History,  vol.  vii.;  Bryce,  The  American  Com- 
monwealth, ed.  1911;  Coolidge,  The  United  States  as  a  World 
Power;  Taussig,  Tariff  History  of  the  United  States,  ed.  1910; 
Whipple,  Cleveland.  CANADA.  —  Bourinot,  Canada,  1760- 
1900;  Argyll,  Yesterday  and  To-day  in  Canada.  LATIN 
AMERICA.  —  Akers,  History  of  South  America,  1854-1904; 
Fisher  Unwin's  South  American  Series,  Mexico,  Brazil, 
Argentina,  Peru,  Chile,  Uruguay;  Turner,  Barbarous 
Mexico  (anti-Diaz);  Portez,  The  Ten  Republics. 

CHAPTER  X.  —  Reeves,  State  Experiments  in  Australia 
and  New  Zealand;  Sombart,  Socialism  and  the  Social 
Movement;  Lilley,  Modernism;  Abbott,  Israel  in  Europe; 
Inter-Racial  Problems,  ed.  Spiller;  Booker  Washington, 
Up  from  Slavery;  Howard  Evans,  Sir  Randal  Cremer; 
Hall,  The  Two  Hague  Conferences. 


INDEX 


Abyssinia,  60-2 
Afghanistan,  148,  165,  167 
Africa,   South,   20-2,    195- 

204 

Anti-Semitism,  41-3,  240-1 
Arbitration,    149,    212-14, 

229,  245-8 
Armaments,  244-5 
Armenia,  91,  123-4 
Australia,  19,  232,  238 

Bagdad  railway,   92,    144, 

153 

Bonapartism,  55-6 
Bosnia    and    Herzegovina, 

106-7,  150 

British  East  Africa,  194-5 
Bulgaria,  120-2,  126,  150 
Burma,  165-6 


Finland,  117-8 
Greece,  124-6,  129-30 

Hague  Conferences  and  Tri- 
bunal, 148,  245-6 
Hawaii,  210 

Ireland,  9-17,  23-4,  27,  30 
Japan;  149,  154-64,  220-1 
Korea,  156,  160-3 

Macedonia,  120,  126-9 
Madagascar,  139,  144,  187 
Modernism,  238-9 
Monroe    Doctrine,    212-3, 

229-30 

Montenegro,  130,  150 
Morocco,  70-2,  144-7,  153, 

185 


Catholicism,  40-1,  46-51, 
64,  66,  72-3,  103,  135, 
238-40 

V>lUGtJ)    AOO"~"O4j    A  I  £i  Jk*c*v4TV  a.  c«\s\sOj    A- i*w      i 

Chinese  Labour,  202-3,  206      New  Zealand,  232,  237 
Congo,  the,  186-91 
Crete,  124-6,  129 


Cuba,  67-9,  218-9 

Drago  Doctrine,  229 
Dual  Alliance,  133,  141 

Egypt,  139-40,  180-5 


Native  races.  242-4 
New  Zealand,  5 
Nigeria,  193-4 

Opium,  164,  243 


Panama  Canal,  38-9,  220 
Persia,  148-9,  175-8 
Philippines,  69,  216-8 
Poland,  95-7,  118-9 


255 


256 


INDEX 


Proportional  Representa- 
tion, 232 
Prussia,  94-7 

Referendum,  the,  232 
Roumania,  130 

Servia,  120-3,  126-7 
Siam,  144 
Siberia,  109,  157 
Socialism,  28,  51-4,  89-90, 

116.234-8 
Somaliland,  195 
Syndicalism,  53,  236 


Tibet,  149,  172 
Triple  Alliance,  133-4 
Triple  Entente,  143-9 
Tripoli,  142 

Turkey,  91-2,  120,  123-9, 
150-2 

Uganda,  194-5 
Women's  franchise,  232-4 
Zionism,  241-2 


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47.  The  Colonial  Period  (1607-1766). 

By  CHARLES  McLEAN  ANDREWS,  Professor  of  American  History,  Yale. 
The  fascinating  history  of  the  two  hundred  years  of  "colonial  times." 

82.  The   Wars   Between   England   and   America 
(1763-1815). 

By  THEODORE  C.  SMITH,  Professor  of  American  History,  Williams 
College.  A  history  of  the  period,  with  especial  emphasis  on  The 
Revolution  and  The  War  of  1812. 

67.  From  Jefferson  to  Lincoln  (1815-1860). 

By  WILLIAM  MACDONALD,  Professor  of  History,  Brown  University. 
The  author  makes  the  history  of  this  period  circulate  about  constitu- 
tional ideas  and  slavery  sentiment. 

25.  The  Civil  War  (1854-1865). 

By  FREDERIC  L.  PAXSON,  Professor  of  American  History,  University 
of  Wisconsin. 

39.  Reconstruction  and  Union  (1865-1912). 

By  PAUL  LELAND  HAWORTH.  A  History  of  the  United  States  in  our 
own  times. 


GENERAL  HISTORY  AND  GEOGRAPHY 
78.  Latin  America. 

By  WILLIAM  R.  SHEPHERD,  Professor  of  History,  Columbia.  With 
maps.  Sets  forth  the  kind  of  equipment  and  the  historical,  artistic, 
and  commercial  development  of  the  Central  and  South  American 
republics. 

76.  The  Ocean.     A  General  Account  of  the  Sci- 
ence of  the  Sea. 

By  SIB  JOHN  MURRAY,  K.  C.  B.,  Naturalist  H.  M.  S.  "Challenger," 
1872-1876,  joint  author  of  The  Depths  of  the  Ocean,  etc. 

86.  Exploration  of  the  Alps. 

By  ARNOLD  LUNN,  M.  A.  A  record  of  the  exploits  of  the  first  fear- 
some travellers  in  Switzerland,  the  pioneers  of  scientific  exploration, 
the  conditions  of  present-day  climbing  and  the  records  of  all  these 
things  in  ancient  and  modern  literature. 

72.  Germany  of  To-day. 

By  CHARLES  TOWER.  Describes  the  constitution  and  government  of 
the  Empire  and  its  several  States,  city  administration  and  enterprise, 
educational  institutions,  the  organization  of  industry  and  agricul- 
ture, and  the  outstanding  features  of  social  and  intellectual  activity. 

57.  Napoleon. 

By  HERBERT  FISHER,  Vice-Chancellor  of  Sheffield  University.  Author 
of  The  Republican  Tradition  in  Europe,  etc.  Mr.  Fisher  presents  at 
once  a  vivid  portrait  of  the  "greatest  conqueror  and  captain  of  mod- 
ern times,"  and  an  important  historical  estimate  of  the  period. 

26.  The  Dawn  of  History. 

By  J.   L.   MYRES,   Professor  of  Ancient  History,  Oxford. 

30.  Rome. 

By  W.  WARDE  FOWLER,  author  of  Social  Life  at  Rome.  etc.  "An 
accurate,  scholarly,  and  unusually  entertaining  history  from  the  ear- 
liest authentic  records  to  the  death  of  Marcus  Aurelius." — American 
Library  Association  Booklist. 

84.  The  Growth  of  Europe. 

By  GRANVILLE  COLE,  Professor  of  Geology,  Royal  College  of  Science, 
Ireland.  A  study  of  the  geology  and  physical  geography  in  connec- 
tion with  the  political  geography. 

13.  Medieval  Europe. 

By  H.  W.  C.  DAVIS,  Fellow  at  Balliol  College,  Oxford,  author  of 
Charlemagne,  etc. 

33.  The  History  of  England. 

By  A.  F.  POLLARD,  Professor  of  English  History,  Universisty  of 
London. 

3.  The  French  Revolution. 

By  HILAIRE  BELLOC.  "For  the  busy  man  it  would  be  difficult  to 
name  another  work  better  suited  for  the  purpose  of  conveying  an 
intelligent  idea  of  the  greatest  political  event  of  modern  times." — 
5"an  franacitco  Chronicle. 


4.  A  Short  History  of  War  and  Peace. 

By  G.  H.  FERRIS,  author  of  Russia  in  Revolution,  etc.  The  Hon. 
James  Bryce  writes:  "I  have  read  it  with  much  interest  and  pleas- 
ure, admiring  the  skill  with  which  you  have  managed  to  compress  so 
many  facts  and  views  into  so  small  a  volume." 

20.  History  of  Our  Time  (1885-1911). 

By  G.  P.  GOOCH.    A  "moving  picture"  of  the  world  since  1885. 

22.  The. Papacy  and  Modern  Times. 

By  REV.  WILLIAM  BARRY,  D.  D.,  author  of  The  Papal  Monarchy, 
etc.  The  story  of  the  rise  and  fall  of  the  Temporal  Power. 

8.  Polar  Exploration. 

By  DR.  W.  S.  BRUCE,  Leader  of  the  "Scotia"  expedition.  Empha- 
sizes the  results  of  the  expeditions,  not  in  miles  traveled,  but>(in 
valuable  information  brought  home.  "Of  enormous  interest." — 
Chatauqtta  Press. 

18.  The  Opening-up  of  Africa. 

By  Sir  H.  H.  JOHNSTON.  The  first  living  authority  on  the  subject 
tells  how  and  why  the  "native  races"  went  to  the  various  parts  of 
Africa  and  summarizes  its  exploration  and  colonization.  (With 
maps.) 

19.  The  Civilization  of  China. 

By  H.  A.  GILES,  Professor  of  Chinese,  Cambridge,  author  of  A  His- 
tory of  Chinese  Literature,  etc.  A  vivid  outline  of  history,  manners 
and  customs,  art,  literature,  and  religion. 

36.  Peoples  and  Problems  of  India. 

By  SIR  T.  W.  HOLDERNESS,  Secretary  «f  the  Revenue,  Statistics,  and 
Commerce  Department  of  the  British  India  Office.  "The  best  small 
treatise  dealing  with  the  range  of  subjects  fairly  indicated  by  the 
title."— The  Dial. 

7.  Modern  Geography. 

By  DR.  MARION  NEWBIGIN.  Those  to  whom  "geography"  suggests 
"bounded  on  the  north  by,"  etc.,  will  gain  a  new  view  of  the  world 
from  this  book.  It  shows  the  relation  of  physical  features  to  living 
things  and  to  some  of  the  chief  institutions  of  civilization. 

51.  Master  Mariners. 

By  JOHN  R.  SPEARS,  author  of  The  History  of  Our  Navy,  etc.  A 
history  of  sea  craft  and  sea  adventure  from  the  earliest  times,  with 
an  account  of  sea  customs  and  the  great  seamen. 

SOCIAL  SCIENCE 
77.  Co-Partnership  and  Profit  Sharing. 

By  ANEURIN  WILLIAMS,  Chairman,  Executive  Committee,  Interna- 
tional Co-operative  Alliance,  etc.  Explains  the  various  types  of  co- 
partnership or  profit-sharing,  or  both,  and  gives  details  of  the  ar- 
rangements now  in  force  in  many  of  the  great  industries  both  here 
and  abroad. 

75.  Shelley,  Godwin  and  Their  Circle. 

By  H.  N.  BRAILSFORD,  author  of  "Adventures  in  Prose,"  etc.  A  his- 
tory of  the  immediate  influence  of  the  French  Revolution  in  England 


79.  Unemployment. 

By  A.  C.  PIGOU,  M.  A.,  Professor  of  Political  Economy  at  Cam- 
bridge. The  ^meaning,  measurement,  distribution,  and  effects  of  un- 
employment, its  relation  to  wages,  trade  fluctuations,  and  disputes, 
and  some  proposals  of  remedy  or  relief. 

80.  Common-Sense  in  Law. 

By  P«OF.  PAUL  VINOGRADOFF,  D.  C.  L.,  LL.  D.  Social  and  Legal 
Rules — Legal  Rights  and  Duties — Facts  and  Acts  in  Law — Legislation 
— Custom — Judicial  Precedents — Equity — The  Law  of  Nature. 

49.  Elements  of  Political  Economy. 

By  S.  J.  CHAPMAN,  Professor  of  Political  Economy  and  Dean  of 
Faculty  of  Commerce  and  Administration,  University  of  Manchester. 
A  clear  statement  of  the  theory  of  the  subject  for  non-expert  readers. 

11.  The  Science  of  Wealth. 

By  J.  A.  HOBSON,  author  of  Problems  of  Poverty.  A  study  of  the 
structure  and  working  of  the  modern  business  world. 

1.  Parliament.     Its   History,    Constitution,    and 
Practice. 

By  SIR  COURTENAY  P.  ILBERT,  Clerk  of  the  House  of  Commons. 
"Can  be  praised  without  reserve.  Admirably  clear." — New  York  Sun. 

16.  Liberalism. 

By  PROF.  L.  T.  HOBHOUSE,  author  of  Democracy  and  Reaction.  A 
masterly  philosophical  and  historical  review  of  the  subject. 

5.  The  Stock  Exchange. 

By  F.  W.  HIRST,  Editor  of  the  London  Economist.  Reveals  to  the 
non-financial  mind  the  facts  about  investment,  speculation,  and  the 
other  terms  which  the  title  suggests. 

10.  The  Socialist  Movement. 

By  J.  RAMSAY  MACDONALD,  Chairman  of  the  British  Labor  Party. 
"The  latest  authoritative  exposition  of  Socialism." — San  Francisco 
Argonaut. 

28.  The  Evolution  of  Industry. 

By  D.  H.  MACGREGOR,  Professor  of  Political  Economy,  University 
of  Leeds.  An  outline  of  the  recent  changes  that  have  given  us  the 
present  conditions  of  the  working  classes  and  the  principles  involved. 

29.  Elements  of  English  Law. 

By  W.  M.  GEI.DART,  Vinerian  Professor  of  English  Law,  Oxford.  A 
simple  statement  of  the  basic  principles  of  the  English  legal  system 
on  which  that  of  the  United  States  i»  based. 

32.  The  School :  An  Introduction  to  the  Study  of 
Education. 

By  J-  J-  FINDLAY,  Professor  of  Education,  Manchester.  Presents 
the  history,  the  psychological  basis,  and  the  theory  of  the  school  with 
a  rare  power  of  summary  and  suggestion. 

6.  Irish  Nationality. 

By  MRS.  J.  R.  GREEN.  A  brilliant  account  of  the  genius  and  mission 
of  the  Irish  people.  "An  entrancing  work,  and  I  would  advise  every 
one  with  a  drop  of  Irish  blood  in  his  veins  or  a  vein  of  Irish  sym- 
pathy in  his  heart  to  read  it." — New  York  Times'  Review. 


NATURAL  SCIENCE 
68.  Disease  and  Its  Causes. 

By  W.  T.  COUNCILMAN,  M.  D.,  LL.  D.,  Professor  of  Pathology,  Har- 
vard University. 

85.  Sex. 

By  J.  ARTHUR  THOMPSON  and  PATRICK  GEDDES,  joint  authors  of  The 
Evolution  of  Sex. 

71.  Plant  Life. 

By  J.  B.  FARMER,  D.  Sc.,  F.  R.  S.,  Professor  of  Botany  in  the  Im- 
perial College  of  Science.  This  very  fully  illustrated  volume  con- 
tains an  account  of  the  salient  features  of  plant  form  and  function. 

63.  The  Origin  and  Nature  of  Life. 

By    BENJAMIN    M.    MOORE,    Professor    of    Bio-Chemistry,    Liverpool. 

90.  Chemistry. 

By  RAPHAEL  MELDOLA,  F.  R.  S.,  Professor  of  Chemistry,  Finsbury 
Technical  College.  Presents  the  way  in  which  the  science  has  devel- 
oped and  the  stage  it  has  reached. 

53.  Electricity. 

By  GISBERT  KAPP,  Professor  of  Electrical  Engineering,  University  of 
Birmingham. 

54.  The  Making  of  the  Earth. 

By  J.  W.  GREGORY,  Professor  of  Geology,  Glasgow  University.  438 
maps  and  figures.  Describes  the  origin  of  the  earth,  the  formation 
and  changes  of  its  surface  and  structure,  its  geological  history,  the 
first  appearance  of  life,  and  its  influence  upon  the  globe. 

56.  Man:  A  History  of  the  Human  Body. 

By  A.  KEITH,  M.  D.,  Hunterian  Professor,  Royal  College  of  Sur- 
geons. Shows  how  the  human  body  developed. 

74.  Nerves. 

By  DAVID  FRASER  HARRIS,  M.  D.,  Professor  of  Physiology,  Dalhousie 
University,  Halifax.  Explains  in  non-technical  language  the  place 
and  powers  of  the  nervous  system. 

21.  An  Introduction  to  Science. 

By  PROF.  J.  ARTHUR  THOMSON,  Science  Editor  of  the  Home  Univer- 
sity Library.  For  those  unacquainted  with  the  scientific  volumes  in 
the  series,  this  would  prove  an  excellent  introduction. 

14.  Evolution. 

By  PROF.  J.  ARTHUR  THOMSON  and  PROF.  PATRICK  GEDDES.  Explains 
to  the  layman  what  the  title  means  to  the  scientific  world. 

23.  Astronomy. 

By  A.  R.  HINKS,  Chief  Assistant  at  the  Cambridge  Observatory. 
"Decidedly  original  in  substance,  and  the  most  readable  and  informa- 
tive little  book  on  modern  astronomy  we  have  seen  for  a  long  time." 

— Nature. 

24.  Psychical  Research. 

By  PROF.  W.  F.  BARRETT,  formerly  President  of  the  Socciety  for 
Psychical  Research,  A  strictly  scientific  examination. 


9.  The  Evolution  of  Plants. 

By  DR.  D.  H.  SCOTT,  President  of  the  Linnean  Society  of  London. 
The  story  of  the  development  of  flowering  plants,  from  the  earliest 
zoological  times,  unlocked  from  technical  language. 

43.  Matter  and  Energy. 

By  F.  SODDY,  Lecturer  in  Physical  Chemistry  and  Radioactivity, 
University  of  G|asgow.  "Brilliant.  Can  hardly  be  surpassed.  Sure 
to  attract  attention."  —  New  York  Sun. 

41.  Psychology,  The  Study  of  Behaviour. 

By  WILLIAM  McDoucALL,  of  Oxford.  A  well  digested  summary  of 
the  essentials  of  the  science  put  in  excellent  literary  form  by  a  lead- 
ing authority. 

42.  The  Principles  of  Physiology. 

By  PROF.  J.  G.  MCKENDRICK.  A  compact  statement  by  the  Emeritus 
Professor  at  Glasgow,  for  uninstructed  readers. 

37.  Anthropology. 

By  R.  R.  MARETT,  Reader  in  Social  Anthropology,  Oxford.  Seeks  to 
plot  out  and  sum  up  the  general  series  of  changes,  bodily  and  mental, 
undergone  by  man  in  the  course  of  history.  "Excellent.  So  enthusi- 
astic, so  clear  and  witty,  and  so  well  adapted  to  the  general  reader." 
—  American  Library  Association  Booklist. 

17.  Crime  and  Insanity. 

By  DR.  C.  A.  MERCIER,  author  of  Text-Book  of  Insanity,  etc. 

12.  The  Animal  World. 

By  PROF.  F.  W.  GAMBLE. 

15.  Introduction  to  Mathematics. 

By  A.  N.  WHITEIIEAD,  author  of  Universal  Algebra. 

PHILOSOPHY  AND  RELIGION 
69.  A  History  of  Freedom  of  Thought. 

By  JOHN  B.  BURY,  M.  A.,  LL.  D.,  Regius  Professor  of  Modern  His- 
tory in  Cambridge  University.  Summarizes  the  history  of  the  long 
struggle  between  authority  and  reason  and  of  the  emergence  of  the 
principle  that  coercion  of  opinion  is  a  mistake. 

55.  Missions  :  The'r  Rise  and  Development. 

By  MRS.  MANDELL  CREIGHTON,  author  of  History  of  England.  The 
author  seeks  to  prove  that  missions  have  done  more  to  civilize  the 
world  than  any  other  human  agency. 

52.  Ethics. 

By  G.  E.  MOORE,  Lecturer  in  Moral  Science,  Cambridge.  Discusses 
what  is  right  and  what  is  wrong,  and  the  whys  and  wherefores. 

65.  The  Literature  of  the  Old  Testament. 


By  GEORGE  F.  MOORE,  Professor  of  the  History  of  Religion,  IJarvard 
University.  "A  popular  work  of  the  highest  order.  Will  be  profit- 
able to  anybody  who  cares  enough  about  Bible  study  to  read  a  serious 


, 

niversity.     "A  popular  work  of  the  highest  order.     Will  be  profit 
ble  to  anybody  who  cares  enough  about  Bible  study  to 
book  on  the  subject."  —  American  Journal  of  Theology 

50.  The  Making  of  the  New  Testament. 

By  B.  W.  BACON,  Professor  of  New  Testament  Crklcism,  Yale.  An 
authoritative  summary  of  the  results  of  modern  critical  research 
with  regard  to  the  origins  of  the  New  Testament, 


35.  The  Problems  of  Philosophy. 

By  BERTRAND  RUSSELL,  Lecturer  and  Late  Fellow,  Trinity  College, 
Cambridge. 

44.  Buddhism. 

By  MRS.  RHYS  DAVIDS,  Lecturer  on  Indian  Philosophy,  Manchester. 

46.  English  Sects:  A  History  of  Nonconformity. 

By  W.  B.  SELBIE,  Principal  of  Manchester  College,  Oxford. 

60.  Comparative  Religion. 

By  PROF.  J.  ESTLIN  CARPENTER.  "One  of  the  few  authorities  on  this 
subject  compares  all  the  religions  to  see  what  they  have  to  offer  on 
the  great  themes  of  religion." — Christian  Work  and  P.vangelist, 

88.  Religious  Development  Between  Old  and  New 
Testaments. 

By  R.  H.  CHARLES,  Canon  of  Westminster.  Shows  how  religious 
and  ethical  thought  between  180  B.  C.  and  100  A.  D.  grew  naturally 
into  that  of  the  New  Testament. 

LITERATURE  AND  ART 

73.  Euripides  and  His  Age. 

By  GILBERT  MURRAY,  Regius  Professor  of  Greek,  Oxford.  Brings 
before  the  reader  an  undisputedly  great  poet  and  thinker,  an  Amaz- 
ingly successful  playwright,  and  a  figure  of  high  significance  in  the 
history  of  humanity. 

81.  Chaucer  and  His  Times. 

By  GRACE  E.  HADOW,  Lecturer  Lady  Margaret  Hall,  Oxford;  Late 
Reader,  Bryn  Mawr. 

70.  Ancient  Art  and  Ritual. 

By  JANE  E.  HARRISON,  LL.  D.,  D.  Litt.  "One  of  the  100  most  im- 
portant books  of  1913." — New  York  Times  Reric-t: 

61.  The  Victorian  Age  in  Literature. 

By  G.  K.  CHESTERTON.  The  most  powerfully  sustained  and  brilliant 
piece  of  writing  Mr.  Chesterton  has  yet  published. 

59.  Dr.  Johnson  and  His  Circle. 

By  JOHN  BAILEY.  Johnson's  life,  character,  works,  and  friendships 
are  surveyed;  and  there  is  a  notable  vindication  of  the  "Genius  of 
Boswell." 

58.  The  Newspaper. 

By  G.  BINNEY  DIBBLE.  The  first  full  account,  from  the  inside,  of 
newspaper  organization  as  it  exists  to-day. 

62.  Painters  and  Painting. 

By  SIR  FREDERICK  WEDMORE.     With   16  half-tone  illustrations. 

64.  The  Literature  of  Germany. 

By  J.  G.  ROBERTSON. 

48.  Great  Writers  of  America. 

By  W.  P.  TRENT  and  JOHN  ERSKINE,  of  Columbia   University. 

87.  The  Renaissance. 

By  EDITH  SICHEL,  author  of  Catherine  de  Medici,  Men  and  Women 
of  the  French  Renaissance. 


40.  The  English  Language. 

By  L.  P.  SMITH.  A  concise  history  of  the  origin  and  development 
of  the  English  language. 

45.  Medieval  English  Literature. 

By  W.  P.  KER,  Professor  of  English  Literature,  University  College, 
London.  "One  of  the  soundest  scholars.  His  style  is  effective,  sim- 
ple, yet  never  dry." — The  Athenaeum. 

89.  Elizabethan  Literature. 

By  J  M.  ROBERTSON,  M.  P.,  author  of  "Montaigne  and  Shake- 
speare," "Modern  Humanists." 

27.  Modern  English  Literature. 

By  G.  H.  MAIR.  From  Wyatt  and  Surrey  to  Synge  and  Yeats.  "A 
most  suggestive  book,  one  of  the  best  of  this  great  series." — -Chicago 
Evening  Post. 

2.  Shakespeare. 

By  JOHN  MASEFIELD.  "One  of  the  very  few  indispensable  adjuncts 
to  a  Shakespearean  Library." — Boston  Transcript. 

31.  Landmarks  in  French  Literature. 

By  G.  L.  STRACHEY,  Scholar  of  Trinity  College,  Cambridge.  "Fbr  a 
survey  of  the  outstanding  figures  of  French  literature  with  an  acute 
analysis  of  the  contribution  which  each  made  to  his  time  and  to  thi- 
general  mass  there  has  been  no  book  as  yet  published  so  judicially 
interesting." — The  Chaiitauquan. 

38.  Architecture. 

By  PROF.  W.  R.  LETHABY.  An  introduction  to  the  history  ami 
theory  of  the  art  of  building.  "Professor  Lethaby's  scholarship  ami 
extraordinary  knowledge  of  the  most  recent  discoveries  of  archa-a- 
logical  research  provide  the  reader  with  a  new  outlook  and  witli  i.« -w 
facts." — The  Athenaeum. 

66.  Writing  English  Prose. 

By  WILLIAM  T.  BREWSTER,  Professor  of  English,  Columbia  1'iiivcr- 
sity.  "Should  be  put  into  the  hands  of  every  man  who  is  begin»iinn 
to  write  and  of  every  teacher  of  English  that  has  brains  enough  1» 
understand  sense." — New  York  Sun. 

83.  William  Morris :  His  Work  and  Influence. 

By  A.  GLUTTON  BROCK,  author  of  Shelley:  The  Man  and  the  Poet. 
William  Morris  believed  that  the  artist  should  toil  for  love  of  his 
work  rather  than  the  gain  of  his  employer,  and  so  he  turned  from 
making  works  of  art  to  remaking  society. 

OTHER    VOLUMES   IN    PREPARATION. 

HENRY  HOLT  AND  COMPANY 
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